Democracy http://old2.seylii.org/ en Carpine v Seychelles National Party and Others, Ramkalavan v Carpine and Others (Constitutional Court Case 7 of 2011, Constitutional Court Case 8 of 2011) [2011] SCCC 7 (18 July 2011); http://old2.seylii.org/sc/judgment/constitutional-court/2011/7 <span class="field field--name-title field--type-string field--label-hidden">Carpine v Seychelles National Party and Others, Ramkalavan v Carpine and Others (Constitutional Court Case 7 of 2011, Constitutional Court Case 8 of 2011) [2011] SCCC 7 (18 July 2011);</span> <div class="field field--name-field-flynote field--type-entity-reference field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Flynote</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/128" hreflang="x-default">Democracy</a></div> </div> </div> <span class="field field--name-uid field--type-entity-reference field--label-hidden"><span>admin</span></span> <span class="field field--name-created field--type-created field--label-hidden">Mon, 05/24/2021 - 09:36</span> <div class="clearfix text-formatted field field--name-body field--type-text-with-summary field--label-hidden field__item"><p><strong>In Re: Constitutional Case No: 7 of 2011</strong></p> <p>Jane Carpine …..............................................................Petitioner</p> <p>Versus</p> <p>1. The Seychelles National Party Herein represented by its leader Mr. Wavel Ramkalavan</p> <p>2. Mr. Wavel Ramkalavan</p> <p>3. The Attorney-General</p> <p>of National House, Victoria …..........................................Respondents</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>In Re: Constitutional Case No: 8 of 2011</strong></p> <p> </p> <p>Mr. Wavel Ramkalavan …................................................................Petitioner</p> <p>Versus</p> <p>1. Jane Carpine</p> <p>2. Speaker, National Assembly of Seychelles</p> <p>3. The Attorney-General</p> <p>of National House, Victoria</p> <p>======================================================</p> <p>D. Karunakaran, J (presiding), B. Renaud, J., M. Burhan and G. Dodin, J.</p> <p>======================================================</p> <p>Mr. B. Hoareau for Petitioner in CC 7/11 &amp; Respondent in CC8/11</p> <p>Mr. B. Georges for the 2nd and 3rd Respondents in CC7/11and Petitioner in CC8/11</p> <p>Mr. R. Govinden for the 3rd Respondent in CC7/11 and CC8/11</p> <p> </p> <p class="text-align-center"><strong>Judgment</strong></p> <p>At the outset it must be stated that the two Constitutional Cases to wit: No. 7 and 8 of 2011 were consolidated with the consent of all parties, for the purpose of an urgent hearing and a speedy disposal. The reasons for urgency are stated in the affidavit of Mr. Wavel Ramkalawan, the Leader of the Seychelles National Party, (hereinafter called the SNP), filed in support of his motion dated 10th August 2011 in CC7 of 2011. We believe that we need not go into the details but would simply add that since those reasons were found valid, we consolidated both cases and proceeded to hold an urgent hearing with a view to give a speedy, complete and effective disposal of all the issues that arise in this matter.</p> <p>Indeed, a Court of law, be it appellate or trial or Constitutional, should steer the law towards the administration of justice, rather than the administration of the letter of the law. In that process, undoubtedly, its primary function, amongst others, is to adjudicate and give finality to the litigation. However, such finality cannot and should not be given mechanically by the Court just for the sake of a technical conclusion of the case without providing a complete and effective remedy to the parties, when they come before the Court with a real grievance. In each adjudication, the Court ought to ensure that all disputes including the latent ones pertaining to the cause or matter under adjudication, are as far as possible completely and effectively brought to a logical conclusion once and for all. The good sense of the Court, I believe, should always foresee the long term ramifications of its determination and adjudicate the cause so as avoid obscure and spurious remedies that could possibly, proliferate in future, due to multiplicity of litigations on the same cause or matter. Needless to say, the prevention of potential delays and the avoidance of multiplicity of litigations are the hallmarks of a good justice delivery system. Judges should always decide issues with judicial forseeability and take preventive measures that are always better than cure. Therefore, our Courts in Seychelles - like any other Court of such forseeability and sense would do - should adjudicate the disputes accordingly and prevent the chronic delays and multiplicity of litigations on the same cause or matter, which have cancerously afflicted our justice delivery system. After all, the law is simply a means to an end; that is, justice. If the means in a particular case fails to yield the desired result due to procrastination and technical application of law and procedure, we judges ought to rethink, reinvent, reinterpret and sharpen those means in order to eradicate the judicial delay and municipality of litigations. Hence, the Courts should never hesitate, where circumstances so dictate, to adopt measures that are just and expedient to prevent the delays, multiplicity of litigations and the resultant frustration in the due administration of justice.</p> <p> </p> <p>Both petitions in substance, give rise to the same issue pertaining to an alleged vacancy that arose on 12th July 2011 in respect of the seat of a proportionally elected member of the National Assembly one Ms. Jane Carpine vide the certificate dated 12th July, 2011 issued by the Speaker under Article 81(6) of the Constitution. Both petitioners herein, namely Ms. Carpine and Mr. Ramkalawan respectively in CC7/11 and CC8/11 seek an intervention of this Court (Constitutional Court) to determine whether the seat held by Ms. Carpine has become vacant. Obviously, they do so invoking the special jurisdiction if I may say so, conferred on this Court by virtue of Article 82 of the Constitution, which reads thus:</p> <p> </p> <p>82. (1) The Constitutional Court shall have jurisdiction to hear and determine whether –</p> <p> </p> <p>a) a person has been validly elected as a member of the National Assembly; or</p> <p> </p> <p>(b) the seat of a member of a National Assembly has become vacant.</p> <p> </p> <p>(2) An application under clause (1)(a) may, in the case of -</p> <p> </p> <p>(a) a directly elected member, be made by any person entitled to vote at an election in the electoral area for which the member was returned, any person who was a candidate at the election in the electoral area or the Attorney-General; or</p> <p> </p> <p>(b) a proportionately elected member, be made by any member or the Attorney-General.</p> <p> </p> <p>(3) An application under clause (1) (b) may, in the case of -</p> <p> </p> <p>(a) a directly elected member, be made by any member, any person entitled to vote at an election in the electoral area for which the member was returned or the Attorney- General;</p> <p> </p> <p>(b) a proportionately elected member, be made by any member, or the political party of which the proportionately elected member was a member at the time of election and which nominated the person as a member or the Attorney-General.</p> <p> </p> <p>(5) Where a person, other than the Attorney-General, makes an application under this article, the Attorney- General may intervene and may appear or be represented in the proceedings.</p> <p> </p> <p>(6) An Act may provide for -</p> <p> </p> <p>(a) the circumstances and manner in which and the imposition of conditions upon which an application may be made to the Constitutional Court for the determination of a question under clause (1); and</p> <p> </p> <p>(b) the powers, practice and procedure of the Constitutional Court in relation to the application.</p> <p> </p> <p>Constitutionally and jurisdictionally speaking, the Constitution Court is nothing but the Supreme Court with original jurisdiction in matters relating to the application, contravention, enforcement or interpretation of this Constitution;</p> <p>This special jurisdiction as I see it, is nothing but an additional jurisdiction the Supreme Court enjoys over and above the original jurisdiction that has already been conferred on it by the Constitution and other laws of Seychelles including the equitable jurisdiction conferred on this Court by Section 6 of the Courts Act. This is evident from Article 125 and 129 of the Constitution, which read as follows:</p> <p> </p> <p>125.(1) There shall be a Supreme Court which shall, in addition to the jurisdiction and powers conferred by this Constitution, have -</p> <p>(a) original jurisdiction in matters relating to the application, contravention, enforcement or interpretation of this Constitution;</p> <p> </p> <p>(b) original jurisdiction in civil and criminal matters;</p> <p> </p> <p>(c) supervisory jurisdiction over subordinate courts, tribunals and adjudicating authority and, in this connection, shall have power to issue injunctions, directions, orders or writs including writs or orders in the nature of habeas corpus, certiorari, mandamus, prohibition and quo warranto as may be appropriate for the purpose of enforcing or securing the enforcement of its supervisory jurisdiction; and</p> <p> </p> <p>(d) such other original, appellate and other jurisdiction as may be conferred on it by or under an Act.</p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p>(7) For the purposes of clause (1)(c) "adjudicating authority" includes a body or authority established by law which performs a judicial or quasi-judicial function.</p> <p> </p> <p>Whereas Article 129 reads thus:</p> <p> </p> <p>129.(1) The jurisdiction and powers of the Supreme Court in respect of matters relating to the application, contravention, enforcement or interpretation of the Constitution shall be exercised by not less than two Judges sitting together.</p> <p> </p> <p>(2) …...</p> <p> </p> <p>(3) Any reference to the Constitutional Court in this Constitution shall be a reference to the Court sitting under clause (1).</p> <p> </p> <p>Therefore, I find and conclude on a point of law that the special jurisdiction conferred on this Constitutional Court by virtue of Article 82 of the Constitution does not and cannot restrict or take away its general and original jurisdiction and powers conferred by the other provisions of the Constitution.</p> <p> </p> <p>Be that as it may. I will now proceed to rehearse the facts of the case and the submissions of counsel as briefly as possible since my brother judges would also in their respective judgments rehearse them, which may also be read as part of my judgment hereof.</p> <p> </p> <p>It is not in dispute that Ms. Carpine was at all material times, a proportionately elected member of the National Assembly of Seychelles having been nominated by the SNP on the basis of the scheme of proportional representation specified in Schedule 4 read with Article 78 of the Constitution. The recently dissolved National Assembly constituted 23 members representing Party Lepep, including the Speaker of the Assembly and 11 members representing the SNP including Ms. Carpine. She has been a member of the National assembly since March 2009. She has also been an active member of the SNP since its formation and registration as a political party after 1998 and moreover she has been a member of the Executive Committee of SNP for about 4 years.</p> <p> </p> <p>On Tuesday 12th July 2011, during the morning session of the National Assembly, Ms. Carpine voted in favour of a bill introduced before the Assembly by the Vice President to amend Article 115 of the constitution so as to replace the office of the electoral Commissioner by an Electoral Commission. Ms. Carpine was the only member of the SNP to vote in favour of the bill, whilst all the members from the ruling party also voted in favour of the said bill, as a result of which the requisite two-third of the number of members of the SNA to pass the bill was satisfied. According to Ms. Carpins, she voted in favour of that bill since the bill seeking to replace the office of the Electoral Commissioner by an Electoral Commission was in line with what SNP had been campaigning and requesting for ever since 2001 and she was of the strong political conviction that the bill as proposed was in the national interest of Seychelles in that, it would greatly enhance and strengthen the democratic process in the Republic of Seychelles. Moreover, in voting in favour of the bill, she was exercising her freedom of expression, speech, debate protected by Articles 22 and 102 of the Constitution of Seychelles. However, she had to politically pay a heavy price for acting upon her conviction. Admittedly, prompted by the voting of Ms. Carpine in favour of the bill against party lines in the National Assembly, the SNP leader, on the same day i.e. 12th July, 2011 prior to the commencement of the afternoon session notified the Speaker in writing that SNP was replacing the proportionally elected member Ms. Carpine by a new member with immediate effect, though the new member was not named in that notice. The SNP Leader thus pulled the trigger to replace Ms. Carpine by a new member. This resulted in the vacancy of the seat occupied by Ms. Carpine in the National Assembly as a proportionately elected member. The SNP Leader opted to do so, obviously, without any warning or notice to Ms. Carpine, who was then a sitting member of the Assembly. This option exercised the SNP Leader caused an end to her membership and rendered the seat vacant. Although it appears to be arbitrary and in violation of the first principles of natural justice, he seems to have done so due to political exigency in exercise of the power conferred on the political party by virtue of Article 81(1) (h) (i) of the Constitution, which reads as follows:</p> <p> </p> <p>81.(1) A person ceases to be a member of the National Assembly and the seat occupied by that person in the Assembly shall become vacant -</p> <p>………</p> <p>(h) if, in the case of a proportionately elected member -</p> <p> </p> <p>(i) the political party which nominated the person as a member nominates another person as member in place of the first-mentioned person and notifies the Speaker in writing of the new nomination;</p> <p> </p> <p>(ii) the person ceases to be a member of the political party of which that person was a member at the time of the election; or</p> <p> </p> <p>(iii) the political party which nominated the person as a member is dissolved or otherwise ceases to exist;</p> <p>…………</p> <p>In response to the said notification given by the SNP Leader for the replacement of Ms. Carpine, the Speaker immediately issued a certificate hereinafter referred to as the Certificate of Vacancy, under Article 81 (6) which certificate reads thus:</p> <p> </p> <p>“Dear Hon. Carpins,</p> <p>RE: CERTIFICATE UNDER ARTICLE 81 (6) OF THE CONSTITUTION</p> <p>This is to certify that in view of the letter addressed to my Office by the Leader of the Opposition that you are being removed as a Proportionate Member for the Seychelles National Party, you will cease to be a Member of the National Assembly with immediate effect pursuant to Article 81(1) (h) (i) of the Constitution of Seychelles unless you choose to exercise your right of challenge under Article 81 (6) (a) of the Constitution in which case Article 81(7) will apply”</p> <p> </p> <p>Herein, it is pertinent to note that Article 81 (6) of the Constitution runs thus:</p> <p>“A certificate under the hand of the Speaker certifying that a person has ceased to be a member of the National Assembly shall be conclusive evidence of this fact and of the fact that the seat held by that person is vacant unless-</p> <p> </p> <p>(a) the person makes an application under article 82 to the Constitutional Court within thirty days of the date of the certificate; and</p> <p> </p> <p>(b) the Constitutional Court determines that the person is still a member of the National Assembly and that person still occupies that seat.</p> <p> </p> <p>(7) Until the final determination of an application referred to in clause (6)(a) the person who made the application shall continue to be a member of the National Assembly in respect of the seat for which the person was elected.</p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p>Immediately upon receiving that certificate of vacancy from the Speaker, Ms. Carpins notified the Speaker by a letter dated 12thJuly 2011, that she intended to and would shortly challenge her removal and the alleged vacancy created by the SNP Leader. Accordingly, she seque the the sponse to th ecErtificate of vacancy i in terms of thMember the In fact, ON THE BASIS OF may briefly (1) (b) the . Presumably, both petitions issued the and give rise to the same issue based on the Constitutional interpretation given to Article 82 (7) law based on the interpretation of Article . It also begs the question whether the National Assembly of Seychelles is still alive as it has purportedly put an end to its life on 12thJuly 2011. The determination of this issue as we see it, carries a great deal of Constitutional significance marking a major milestone in the development of Constitutionalism in Seychelles. In this process, in fact, two of the Founding Principles of Democracy underlying the Constitution namely: (i) the concept of “Checks and Balances” vis-à-vis “Separation Powers”, between the three branches of Government and (ii) the concept of “Rule of Law”, are inevitably, put to the test in our young and vibrant democracy; obviously, to its advantage, so as to advance with the best of its kind, in the rest of the democratic world.</p> <p> </p> <p>The test indeed, demands a judicial intervention in the sue moto dissolution of the Legislative Assembly, which necessitates this Court to examine and pronounce on the “Constitutional validity” of the purported dissolution of the National Assembly, by passing a resolution on 12th July 2011, without a meeting being convened for that purpose; that is, for the purpose of dissolving the Assembly.</p> <p> </p> <p>Needless to say, the “Constitutional Validity” in this respect, ought to be examined with the touchstone and in the light of Article 111 of our Constitution, which we did diligently. Accordingly, we now proceed to deliver our decision particularly, the operative part of our Judgment in this matter, because of the urgency involved - we believe, the sooner, the better - in clearing up the cloud that hangs over the purported dissolution and upholding the supremacy of the Constitution. For avoidance of doubt, the decision delivered herein, shall be deemed to be the final Judgment of this Court for all legal intents and purposes, and shall take effect forthwith. However, the ratio decidendi or the detailed reasons for this decision shall be given later, perhaps in a couple days, with due notice to the parties. In that reasoning, we will give our considered interpretation on Article 111 of the Constitution. Be that as it may.</p> <p> </p> <p>In our unanimous judgment, this Court having given careful thought to the submissions made by counsel for and against the petitions, taking into account the entire circumstances of the case and on the strength of the interpretation we give to Article 111, makes the following findings, declarations, orders and directions in this consolidated matter:-</p> <p> </p> <p>This Court finds that the purported dissolution of the National Assembly of Seychelles, which originated from its meeting of 12th July 2011, contravened Article 111 of the Constitution, since that meeting was not summoned or convened for the purpose of dissolving the National Assembly. This was, in clear breach of the “condition-precedent” enshrined in the Article that insists on the purpose required to be known in advance to all its members, for summoning such meeting.</p> <p> </p> <p>This Court also finds that the impugned resolution passed by the Assembly for its dissolution at the meeting of 12th July 2011, is null, and void ab initio, since that resolution was passed at such a meeting that was not summoned to deal with the matter of dissolution; and to say the least, even the relevant order paper issued to the members of the Assembly on that fateful day, did not contain or convey, even a scintilla of hint about the intended dissolution of the Assembly, in breach of Article 111 of the Constitution.</p> <p> </p> <p>Accordingly, this Court hereby declares that the purported dissolution of the National Assembly of Seychelles and the impugned resolution passed by the Assembly for its dissolution are unconstitutional and so void ab initio in the eye of law.</p> <p> </p> <p>Consequently, this Court quashes the impugned resolution, sets aside the purported dissolution and orders an immediate restoration of the National Assembly bringing it back to life from its interregnum so that the Assembly may resume the current session and continue to transact its normal business as usual.</p> <p>Accordingly, this Court directs the Honorable “Speaker” of the National Assembly of Seychelles to take all steps, whatever he deems expedient in the circumstances and do the necessary for an immediate restoration of the National Assembly giving “force and life” to the findings, declarations, orders and directions spelt out hereinbefore; and</p> <p>This Court makes no order as to costs.</p> <p> </p> <p>Dated this 18th of July 2011 at Victoria, Mahé, Seychelles</p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p>………………………………….</p> <p> </p> <p>D. Karunakaran</p> <p>Ag. Chief Justice (Presiding)</p> </div> <div class="views-element-container"><div class="view view-eva view-download-conditional view-id-download_conditional view-display-id-entity_view_1 js-view-dom-id-3b48edfbbad850f62eb77f9554f8d82e0b7fadbeea40f35a4791d96aa916b919"> <div><div class="views-field views-field-views-conditional-field"><span class="field-content"><p><strong>In Re: Constitutional Case No: 7 of 2011</strong></p> <p>Jane Carpine …..............................................................Petitioner</p> <p>Versus</p> <p>1. The Seychelles National Party Herein represented by its leader Mr. Wavel Ramkalavan</p> <p>2. Mr. Wavel Ramkalavan</p> <p>3. The Attorney-General</p> <p>of National House, Victoria …..........................................Respondents</p> <p> </p> <p><strong>In Re: Constitutional Case No: 8 of 2011</strong></p> <p> </p> <p>Mr. Wavel Ramkalavan …................................................................Petitioner</p> <p>Versus</p> <p>1. Jane Carpine</p> <p>2. Speaker, National Assembly of Seychelles</p> <p>3. The Attorney-General</p> <p>of National House, Victoria</p> <p>======================================================</p> <p>D. Karunakaran, J (presiding), B. Renaud, J., M. Burhan and G. Dodin, J.</p> <p>======================================================</p> <p>Mr. B. Hoareau for Petitioner in CC 7/11 &amp; Respondent in CC8/11</p> <p>Mr. B. Georges for the 2nd and 3rd Respondents in CC7/11and Petitioner in CC8/11</p> <p>Mr. R. Govinden for the 3rd Respondent in CC7/11 and CC8/11</p> <p> </p> <p class="text-align-center"><strong>Judgment</strong></p> <p>At the outset it must be stated that the two Constitutional Cases to wit: No. 7 and 8 of 2011 were consolidated with the consent of all parties, for the purpose of an urgent hearing and a speedy disposal. The reasons for urgency are stated in the affidavit of Mr. Wavel Ramkalawan, the Leader of the Seychelles National Party, (hereinafter called the SNP), filed in support of his motion dated 10th August 2011 in CC7 of 2011. We believe that we need not go into the details but would simply add that since those reasons were found valid, we consolidated both cases and proceeded to hold an urgent hearing with a view to give a speedy, complete and effective disposal of all the issues that arise in this matter.</p> <p>Indeed, a Court of law, be it appellate or trial or Constitutional, should steer the law towards the administration of justice, rather than the administration of the letter of the law. In that process, undoubtedly, its primary function, amongst others, is to adjudicate and give finality to the litigation. However, such finality cannot and should not be given mechanically by the Court just for the sake of a technical conclusion of the case without providing a complete and effective remedy to the parties, when they come before the Court with a real grievance. In each adjudication, the Court ought to ensure that all disputes including the latent ones pertaining to the cause or matter under adjudication, are as far as possible completely and effectively brought to a logical conclusion once and for all. The good sense of the Court, I believe, should always foresee the long term ramifications of its determination and adjudicate the cause so as avoid obscure and spurious remedies that could possibly, proliferate in future, due to multiplicity of litigations on the same cause or matter. Needless to say, the prevention of potential delays and the avoidance of multiplicity of litigations are the hallmarks of a good justice delivery system. Judges should always decide issues with judicial forseeability and take preventive measures that are always better than cure. Therefore, our Courts in Seychelles - like any other Court of such forseeability and sense would do - should adjudicate the disputes accordingly and prevent the chronic delays and multiplicity of litigations on the same cause or matter, which have cancerously afflicted our justice delivery system. After all, the law is simply a means to an end; that is, justice. If the means in a particular case fails to yield the desired result due to procrastination and technical application of law and procedure, we judges ought to rethink, reinvent, reinterpret and sharpen those means in order to eradicate the judicial delay and municipality of litigations. Hence, the Courts should never hesitate, where circumstances so dictate, to adopt measures that are just and expedient to prevent the delays, multiplicity of litigations and the resultant frustration in the due administration of justice.</p> <p> </p> <p>Both petitions in substance, give rise to the same issue pertaining to an alleged vacancy that arose on 12th July 2011 in respect of the seat of a proportionally elected member of the National Assembly one Ms. Jane Carpine vide the certificate dated 12th July, 2011 issued by the Speaker under Article 81(6) of the Constitution. Both petitioners herein, namely Ms. Carpine and Mr. Ramkalawan respectively in CC7/11 and CC8/11 seek an intervention of this Court (Constitutional Court) to determine whether the seat held by Ms. Carpine has become vacant. Obviously, they do so invoking the special jurisdiction if I may say so, conferred on this Court by virtue of Article 82 of the Constitution, which reads thus:</p> <p> </p> <p>82. (1) The Constitutional Court shall have jurisdiction to hear and determine whether –</p> <p> </p> <p>a) a person has been validly elected as a member of the National Assembly; or</p> <p> </p> <p>(b) the seat of a member of a National Assembly has become vacant.</p> <p> </p> <p>(2) An application under clause (1)(a) may, in the case of -</p> <p> </p> <p>(a) a directly elected member, be made by any person entitled to vote at an election in the electoral area for which the member was returned, any person who was a candidate at the election in the electoral area or the Attorney-General; or</p> <p> </p> <p>(b) a proportionately elected member, be made by any member or the Attorney-General.</p> <p> </p> <p>(3) An application under clause (1) (b) may, in the case of -</p> <p> </p> <p>(a) a directly elected member, be made by any member, any person entitled to vote at an election in the electoral area for which the member was returned or the Attorney- General;</p> <p> </p> <p>(b) a proportionately elected member, be made by any member, or the political party of which the proportionately elected member was a member at the time of election and which nominated the person as a member or the Attorney-General.</p> <p> </p> <p>(5) Where a person, other than the Attorney-General, makes an application under this article, the Attorney- General may intervene and may appear or be represented in the proceedings.</p> <p> </p> <p>(6) An Act may provide for -</p> <p> </p> <p>(a) the circumstances and manner in which and the imposition of conditions upon which an application may be made to the Constitutional Court for the determination of a question under clause (1); and</p> <p> </p> <p>(b) the powers, practice and procedure of the Constitutional Court in relation to the application.</p> <p> </p> <p>Constitutionally and jurisdictionally speaking, the Constitution Court is nothing but the Supreme Court with original jurisdiction in matters relating to the application, contravention, enforcement or interpretation of this Constitution;</p> <p>This special jurisdiction as I see it, is nothing but an additional jurisdiction the Supreme Court enjoys over and above the original jurisdiction that has already been conferred on it by the Constitution and other laws of Seychelles including the equitable jurisdiction conferred on this Court by Section 6 of the Courts Act. This is evident from Article 125 and 129 of the Constitution, which read as follows:</p> <p> </p> <p>125.(1) There shall be a Supreme Court which shall, in addition to the jurisdiction and powers conferred by this Constitution, have -</p> <p>(a) original jurisdiction in matters relating to the application, contravention, enforcement or interpretation of this Constitution;</p> <p> </p> <p>(b) original jurisdiction in civil and criminal matters;</p> <p> </p> <p>(c) supervisory jurisdiction over subordinate courts, tribunals and adjudicating authority and, in this connection, shall have power to issue injunctions, directions, orders or writs including writs or orders in the nature of habeas corpus, certiorari, mandamus, prohibition and quo warranto as may be appropriate for the purpose of enforcing or securing the enforcement of its supervisory jurisdiction; and</p> <p> </p> <p>(d) such other original, appellate and other jurisdiction as may be conferred on it by or under an Act.</p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p>(7) For the purposes of clause (1)(c) "adjudicating authority" includes a body or authority established by law which performs a judicial or quasi-judicial function.</p> <p> </p> <p>Whereas Article 129 reads thus:</p> <p> </p> <p>129.(1) The jurisdiction and powers of the Supreme Court in respect of matters relating to the application, contravention, enforcement or interpretation of the Constitution shall be exercised by not less than two Judges sitting together.</p> <p> </p> <p>(2) …...</p> <p> </p> <p>(3) Any reference to the Constitutional Court in this Constitution shall be a reference to the Court sitting under clause (1).</p> <p> </p> <p>Therefore, I find and conclude on a point of law that the special jurisdiction conferred on this Constitutional Court by virtue of Article 82 of the Constitution does not and cannot restrict or take away its general and original jurisdiction and powers conferred by the other provisions of the Constitution.</p> <p> </p> <p>Be that as it may. I will now proceed to rehearse the facts of the case and the submissions of counsel as briefly as possible since my brother judges would also in their respective judgments rehearse them, which may also be read as part of my judgment hereof.</p> <p> </p> <p>It is not in dispute that Ms. Carpine was at all material times, a proportionately elected member of the National Assembly of Seychelles having been nominated by the SNP on the basis of the scheme of proportional representation specified in Schedule 4 read with Article 78 of the Constitution. The recently dissolved National Assembly constituted 23 members representing Party Lepep, including the Speaker of the Assembly and 11 members representing the SNP including Ms. Carpine. She has been a member of the National assembly since March 2009. She has also been an active member of the SNP since its formation and registration as a political party after 1998 and moreover she has been a member of the Executive Committee of SNP for about 4 years.</p> <p> </p> <p>On Tuesday 12th July 2011, during the morning session of the National Assembly, Ms. Carpine voted in favour of a bill introduced before the Assembly by the Vice President to amend Article 115 of the constitution so as to replace the office of the electoral Commissioner by an Electoral Commission. Ms. Carpine was the only member of the SNP to vote in favour of the bill, whilst all the members from the ruling party also voted in favour of the said bill, as a result of which the requisite two-third of the number of members of the SNA to pass the bill was satisfied. According to Ms. Carpins, she voted in favour of that bill since the bill seeking to replace the office of the Electoral Commissioner by an Electoral Commission was in line with what SNP had been campaigning and requesting for ever since 2001 and she was of the strong political conviction that the bill as proposed was in the national interest of Seychelles in that, it would greatly enhance and strengthen the democratic process in the Republic of Seychelles. Moreover, in voting in favour of the bill, she was exercising her freedom of expression, speech, debate protected by Articles 22 and 102 of the Constitution of Seychelles. However, she had to politically pay a heavy price for acting upon her conviction. Admittedly, prompted by the voting of Ms. Carpine in favour of the bill against party lines in the National Assembly, the SNP leader, on the same day i.e. 12th July, 2011 prior to the commencement of the afternoon session notified the Speaker in writing that SNP was replacing the proportionally elected member Ms. Carpine by a new member with immediate effect, though the new member was not named in that notice. The SNP Leader thus pulled the trigger to replace Ms. Carpine by a new member. This resulted in the vacancy of the seat occupied by Ms. Carpine in the National Assembly as a proportionately elected member. The SNP Leader opted to do so, obviously, without any warning or notice to Ms. Carpine, who was then a sitting member of the Assembly. This option exercised the SNP Leader caused an end to her membership and rendered the seat vacant. Although it appears to be arbitrary and in violation of the first principles of natural justice, he seems to have done so due to political exigency in exercise of the power conferred on the political party by virtue of Article 81(1) (h) (i) of the Constitution, which reads as follows:</p> <p> </p> <p>81.(1) A person ceases to be a member of the National Assembly and the seat occupied by that person in the Assembly shall become vacant -</p> <p>………</p> <p>(h) if, in the case of a proportionately elected member -</p> <p> </p> <p>(i) the political party which nominated the person as a member nominates another person as member in place of the first-mentioned person and notifies the Speaker in writing of the new nomination;</p> <p> </p> <p>(ii) the person ceases to be a member of the political party of which that person was a member at the time of the election; or</p> <p> </p> <p>(iii) the political party which nominated the person as a member is dissolved or otherwise ceases to exist;</p> <p>…………</p> <p>In response to the said notification given by the SNP Leader for the replacement of Ms. Carpine, the Speaker immediately issued a certificate hereinafter referred to as the Certificate of Vacancy, under Article 81 (6) which certificate reads thus:</p> <p> </p> <p>“Dear Hon. Carpins,</p> <p>RE: CERTIFICATE UNDER ARTICLE 81 (6) OF THE CONSTITUTION</p> <p>This is to certify that in view of the letter addressed to my Office by the Leader of the Opposition that you are being removed as a Proportionate Member for the Seychelles National Party, you will cease to be a Member of the National Assembly with immediate effect pursuant to Article 81(1) (h) (i) of the Constitution of Seychelles unless you choose to exercise your right of challenge under Article 81 (6) (a) of the Constitution in which case Article 81(7) will apply”</p> <p> </p> <p>Herein, it is pertinent to note that Article 81 (6) of the Constitution runs thus:</p> <p>“A certificate under the hand of the Speaker certifying that a person has ceased to be a member of the National Assembly shall be conclusive evidence of this fact and of the fact that the seat held by that person is vacant unless-</p> <p> </p> <p>(a) the person makes an application under article 82 to the Constitutional Court within thirty days of the date of the certificate; and</p> <p> </p> <p>(b) the Constitutional Court determines that the person is still a member of the National Assembly and that person still occupies that seat.</p> <p> </p> <p>(7) Until the final determination of an application referred to in clause (6)(a) the person who made the application shall continue to be a member of the National Assembly in respect of the seat for which the person was elected.</p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p>Immediately upon receiving that certificate of vacancy from the Speaker, Ms. Carpins notified the Speaker by a letter dated 12thJuly 2011, that she intended to and would shortly challenge her removal and the alleged vacancy created by the SNP Leader. Accordingly, she seque the the sponse to th ecErtificate of vacancy i in terms of thMember the In fact, ON THE BASIS OF may briefly (1) (b) the . Presumably, both petitions issued the and give rise to the same issue based on the Constitutional interpretation given to Article 82 (7) law based on the interpretation of Article . It also begs the question whether the National Assembly of Seychelles is still alive as it has purportedly put an end to its life on 12thJuly 2011. The determination of this issue as we see it, carries a great deal of Constitutional significance marking a major milestone in the development of Constitutionalism in Seychelles. In this process, in fact, two of the Founding Principles of Democracy underlying the Constitution namely: (i) the concept of “Checks and Balances” vis-à-vis “Separation Powers”, between the three branches of Government and (ii) the concept of “Rule of Law”, are inevitably, put to the test in our young and vibrant democracy; obviously, to its advantage, so as to advance with the best of its kind, in the rest of the democratic world.</p> <p> </p> <p>The test indeed, demands a judicial intervention in the sue moto dissolution of the Legislative Assembly, which necessitates this Court to examine and pronounce on the “Constitutional validity” of the purported dissolution of the National Assembly, by passing a resolution on 12th July 2011, without a meeting being convened for that purpose; that is, for the purpose of dissolving the Assembly.</p> <p> </p> <p>Needless to say, the “Constitutional Validity” in this respect, ought to be examined with the touchstone and in the light of Article 111 of our Constitution, which we did diligently. Accordingly, we now proceed to deliver our decision particularly, the operative part of our Judgment in this matter, because of the urgency involved - we believe, the sooner, the better - in clearing up the cloud that hangs over the purported dissolution and upholding the supremacy of the Constitution. For avoidance of doubt, the decision delivered herein, shall be deemed to be the final Judgment of this Court for all legal intents and purposes, and shall take effect forthwith. However, the ratio decidendi or the detailed reasons for this decision shall be given later, perhaps in a couple days, with due notice to the parties. In that reasoning, we will give our considered interpretation on Article 111 of the Constitution. Be that as it may.</p> <p> </p> <p>In our unanimous judgment, this Court having given careful thought to the submissions made by counsel for and against the petitions, taking into account the entire circumstances of the case and on the strength of the interpretation we give to Article 111, makes the following findings, declarations, orders and directions in this consolidated matter:-</p> <p> </p> <p>This Court finds that the purported dissolution of the National Assembly of Seychelles, which originated from its meeting of 12th July 2011, contravened Article 111 of the Constitution, since that meeting was not summoned or convened for the purpose of dissolving the National Assembly. This was, in clear breach of the “condition-precedent” enshrined in the Article that insists on the purpose required to be known in advance to all its members, for summoning such meeting.</p> <p> </p> <p>This Court also finds that the impugned resolution passed by the Assembly for its dissolution at the meeting of 12th July 2011, is null, and void ab initio, since that resolution was passed at such a meeting that was not summoned to deal with the matter of dissolution; and to say the least, even the relevant order paper issued to the members of the Assembly on that fateful day, did not contain or convey, even a scintilla of hint about the intended dissolution of the Assembly, in breach of Article 111 of the Constitution.</p> <p> </p> <p>Accordingly, this Court hereby declares that the purported dissolution of the National Assembly of Seychelles and the impugned resolution passed by the Assembly for its dissolution are unconstitutional and so void ab initio in the eye of law.</p> <p> </p> <p>Consequently, this Court quashes the impugned resolution, sets aside the purported dissolution and orders an immediate restoration of the National Assembly bringing it back to life from its interregnum so that the Assembly may resume the current session and continue to transact its normal business as usual.</p> <p>Accordingly, this Court directs the Honorable “Speaker” of the National Assembly of Seychelles to take all steps, whatever he deems expedient in the circumstances and do the necessary for an immediate restoration of the National Assembly giving “force and life” to the findings, declarations, orders and directions spelt out hereinbefore; and</p> <p>This Court makes no order as to costs.</p> <p> </p> <p>Dated this 18th of July 2011 at Victoria, Mahé, Seychelles</p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p>………………………………….</p> <p> </p> <p>D. Karunakaran</p> <p>Ag. Chief Justice (Presiding)</p></span></div></div> </div> </div> Mon, 24 May 2021 09:36:50 +0000 admin 4147 at http://old2.seylii.org Dhanjee v Electoral Commissioner & Ors (SCA 16 of 2011) [2011] SCCA 12 (27 May 2011); http://old2.seylii.org/sc/judgment/court-appeal/2011/12 <span class="field field--name-title field--type-string field--label-hidden">Dhanjee v Electoral Commissioner &amp; Ors (SCA 16 of 2011) [2011] SCCA 12 (27 May 2011);</span> <div class="field field--name-field-flynote field--type-entity-reference field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Flynote</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/127" hreflang="x-default">HR</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/128" hreflang="x-default">Democracy</a></div> </div> </div> <span class="field field--name-uid field--type-entity-reference field--label-hidden"><span>Anonymous (not verified)</span></span> <span class="field field--name-created field--type-created field--label-hidden">Thu, 03/04/2021 - 06:22</span> <div class="field field--name-field-files field--type-file field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Download</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-pdf file--application-pdf"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scca/2011/12/2011-scca-12.pdf" type="application/pdf; length=72902">2011-scca-12.pdf</a></span> </div> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-vnd-openxmlformats-officedocument-wordprocessingml-document file--x-office-document"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scca/2011/12/2011-scca-12.docx" type="application/vnd.openxmlformats-officedocument.wordprocessingml.document; length=17978">2011-scca-12.docx</a></span> </div> </div> </div> <div class="clearfix text-formatted field field--name-body field--type-text-with-summary field--label-hidden field__item"><h2 class="rtejustify">  </h2> <h2 class="rtecenter"> DHANJEE v ELECTORAL COMMISSIONER</h2> <p class="rtecenter"> </p> <p class="rtecenter"><strong>(2011) SLR 141</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Judgment delivered on 27 May 2011 by</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>MACGREGOR P: </strong>This is an application for interlocutory injunction against the Electoral Commissioner to postpone the presidential election 2011 pending the hearing of an appeal against a judgment of the Constitutional Court that inter alia declined to make an order on the postponement of election there prayed for.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">That judgment resulted in two appeals against it-one by the respondent, and another on cross-appeal by the applicant.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Before me is strictly the issue of the injunction to which I shall confine myself.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">At the hearing both counsel went by their affidavits, plus argument and counter-arguments from the bar.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Essentially two issues were raised and argued at the hearing;</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(a)       The propriety of the presence and participation of the Attorney-General in this hearing</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(b)       The balance of convenience on granting or refusing the injunction</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">On the first issue on the Attorney-General, I will not go into this issue at this junction as I believe it was argued and pronounced on by the Court below, and is a specific ground of appeal by the applicant in his cross-appeal, thereby best left to be determined at the appeal on its merits.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">There are two appeals in this matter, one from each side, with live issues to be determined later, and at this stage the strength and chances on appeal, it may be premature to rely on.  This ruling deals only with the injunction applied for and not the later appeals due.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In exercising my discretion I have taken into account that the timing of the specific and particular application for injunction to order the Electoral Commissioner to postpone the election was only filed in the Court of Appeal Monday 16 May 2011, after the official campaign period of the election was over.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I believe the application should have been filed at the earliest possible time once the Chief Electoral Officer had made his decision on 27 April, and specifically pleaded and applied for by separate application together with the petition to the Constitutional Court.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">On looking at the chronology of events, dates and sequences since the presidential election date was announced by the <em>Official Gazette</em> of 21 February 2011 to actually filing for the injunction, indicate timing and delays were crucial before the actual filing for injunction.  The decision of the Chief Electoral Officer was on 27 April 2011, the petition was filed 3 May, heard 10 May.  The judgment of Constitutional Court was  deliveredon 11 May 2011. The official campaign was over on 15 May 2011, whereas the application was applied for on 16 May 2011.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The balance of convenience test in matters of injunction leads me to consider, also after considerating the UK case of <em>Choudhry &amp;Ors v Treisman</em> (2003) EHWC 1203 and further cases cited at note 35, in particular remarks of Justice Chadwick at note 36;</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">(a)  Whether more harm will be done by granting or refusing the injunction.</p> <p class="rtejustify">(b)  Is the risk of injustice greater if the injunction is granted than the risk of injustice if refused.</p> <p class="rtejustify">(c)  Would a breach of the appellant's right to stand for election (if and when finally determined on appeal) outweigh that of the electorates’ right to have the elections as they are now scheduled and in the circumstances of Seychelles today.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I find that they do not outweigh the electorate’s right.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Accordingly I decline to exercise my discretion to grant an injunction, and therefore the application is dismissed.</p> </div> <div class="views-element-container"><div class="view view-eva view-download-conditional view-id-download_conditional view-display-id-entity_view_1 js-view-dom-id-e7c4b55741086ee3775012ad7c680d90b9d2fc820cf0b1604829513dfa5481cd"> <div><div class="views-field views-field-views-conditional-field"><span class="field-content"><h2 class="rtejustify">  </h2> <h2 class="rtecenter"> DHANJEE v ELECTORAL COMMISSIONER</h2> <p class="rtecenter"> </p> <p class="rtecenter"><strong>(2011) SLR 141</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Judgment delivered on 27 May 2011 by</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>MACGREGOR P: </strong>This is an application for interlocutory injunction against the Electoral Commissioner to postpone the presidential election 2011 pending the hearing of an appeal against a judgment of the Constitutional Court that inter alia declined to make an order on the postponement of election there prayed for.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">That judgment resulted in two appeals against it-one by the respondent, and another on cross-appeal by the applicant.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Before me is strictly the issue of the injunction to which I shall confine myself.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">At the hearing both counsel went by their affidavits, plus argument and counter-arguments from the bar.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Essentially two issues were raised and argued at the hearing;</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(a)       The propriety of the presence and participation of the Attorney-General in this hearing</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(b)       The balance of convenience on granting or refusing the injunction</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">On the first issue on the Attorney-General, I will not go into this issue at this junction as I believe it was argued and pronounced on by the Court below, and is a specific ground of appeal by the applicant in his cross-appeal, thereby best left to be determined at the appeal on its merits.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">There are two appeals in this matter, one from each side, with live issues to be determined later, and at this stage the strength and chances on appeal, it may be premature to rely on.  This ruling deals only with the injunction applied for and not the later appeals due.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In exercising my discretion I have taken into account that the timing of the specific and particular application for injunction to order the Electoral Commissioner to postpone the election was only filed in the Court of Appeal Monday 16 May 2011, after the official campaign period of the election was over.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I believe the application should have been filed at the earliest possible time once the Chief Electoral Officer had made his decision on 27 April, and specifically pleaded and applied for by separate application together with the petition to the Constitutional Court.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">On looking at the chronology of events, dates and sequences since the presidential election date was announced by the <em>Official Gazette</em> of 21 February 2011 to actually filing for the injunction, indicate timing and delays were crucial before the actual filing for injunction.  The decision of the Chief Electoral Officer was on 27 April 2011, the petition was filed 3 May, heard 10 May.  The judgment of Constitutional Court was  deliveredon 11 May 2011. The official campaign was over on 15 May 2011, whereas the application was applied for on 16 May 2011.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The balance of convenience test in matters of injunction leads me to consider, also after considerating the UK case of <em>Choudhry &amp;Ors v Treisman</em> (2003) EHWC 1203 and further cases cited at note 35, in particular remarks of Justice Chadwick at note 36;</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">(a)  Whether more harm will be done by granting or refusing the injunction.</p> <p class="rtejustify">(b)  Is the risk of injustice greater if the injunction is granted than the risk of injustice if refused.</p> <p class="rtejustify">(c)  Would a breach of the appellant's right to stand for election (if and when finally determined on appeal) outweigh that of the electorates’ right to have the elections as they are now scheduled and in the circumstances of Seychelles today.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I find that they do not outweigh the electorate’s right.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Accordingly I decline to exercise my discretion to grant an injunction, and therefore the application is dismissed.</p></span></div></div> </div> </div> Thu, 04 Mar 2021 06:22:38 +0000 Anonymous 3400 at http://old2.seylii.org Popular Democratic Movement v Electoral Commission & Anor (SCA 16 of 2011) [2011] SCCA 25 (09 December 2011); http://old2.seylii.org/sc/judgment/court-appeal/2011/25 <span class="field field--name-title field--type-string field--label-hidden">Popular Democratic Movement v Electoral Commission &amp; Anor (SCA 16 of 2011) [2011] SCCA 25 (09 December 2011);</span> <div class="field field--name-field-flynote field--type-entity-reference field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Flynote</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/127" hreflang="x-default">HR</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/128" hreflang="x-default">Democracy</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/129" hreflang="x-default">Participate in government</a></div> </div> </div> <span class="field field--name-uid field--type-entity-reference field--label-hidden"><span>Anonymous (not verified)</span></span> <span class="field field--name-created field--type-created field--label-hidden">Thu, 03/04/2021 - 06:21</span> <div class="field field--name-field-files field--type-file field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Download</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-pdf file--application-pdf"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scca/2011/25/2011-scca-25.pdf" type="application/pdf; length=190351">2011-scca-25.pdf</a></span> </div> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-vnd-openxmlformats-officedocument-wordprocessingml-document file--x-office-document"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scca/2011/25/2011-scca-25.docx" type="application/vnd.openxmlformats-officedocument.wordprocessingml.document; length=46957">2011-scca-25.docx</a></span> </div> </div> </div> <div class="clearfix text-formatted field field--name-body field--type-text-with-summary field--label-hidden field__item"><h2 class="rtejustify">  </h2> <h2 class="rtecenter"> POPULAR DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT v ELECTORAL COMMISSION</h2> <p class="rtecenter"> </p> <p class="rtecenter"><strong>(2011) SLR 385</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">B Hoareau for the appellant</p> <p class="rtejustify">F Ally for the first respondent</p> <p class="rtejustify">R Govinden, Attorney-General</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Before MacGregor P, Fernando, Twomey JJ</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Judgment delivered on 9 December 2011 by TWOMEY J:</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>The Facts</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In July 2011 a member of the Seychelles National Party, the main opposition party, voted with members of the ruling Parti Lepep to dissolve the National Assembly. General elections were held on 29 September to 1 October 2011.  The Popular Democratic Movement (PDM) is a political party which registered under the Political Parties (Registration and Regulations) Act just before the said elections.  As the other existing opposition parties decided to boycott these elections, the PDM was therefore the only party contesting the elections against the incumbent, the Parti Lepep.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The PDM fielded candidates in each of the 25 electoral areas for the National Assembly Elections.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The 1<sup>st</sup> respondent is a statutory body created by virtue of the Constitution charged with conducting and supervising elections and referenda in Seychelles.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The 2<sup>nd</sup> respondent is made a respondent in accordance with rule 3 of the Constitutional Court (Application, Contravention, Enforcement and Interpretation of the Constitution) Rules 1994.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The elections were duly conducted and supervised by the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent from 29 September to 11 October 2011, after which elections the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent through its chairperson announced the results in each of the 25 electoral areas on 2 October 2011.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The appellant failed to win any seats for directly elected members to the National Assembly.  Further the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent declared that the petitioner having won only 7.4% of the total votes cast at the elections was not entitled to any proportionately elected members in the National Assembly.  It is this declaration that culminated in the present appeal by the appellant.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The full results, insofar as they affected the appellant were as follows:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Total votes cast                     51,592</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Total valid votes                   35,145</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Votes cast for PDM                3,828</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">As an aside it must be noted that this was the first time so many spoilt votes were recorded in any elections in Seychelles, resulting largely from the boycott of the elections by the other opposition parties.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><u>The Law</u></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is important at this juncture to look at the original article of the Constitution in relation to the computation of proportional representative (PR) seats to fully understand the appellant's case.  The Third Constitution of the Republic of Seychelles was promulgated in 1993.  Article 78 reads as follows:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The National Assembly shall consist of -</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">(a)  such number of members directly elected in accordance with -</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(i)  This Constitution; and</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(ii) Subject to this Constitution, an Act,</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">     as is equal to the number of electoral areas;</p> <p class="rtejustify">(b)  such number of members elected on the basis of the scheme of proportional representation specified in Schedule 4 as is equal to one-half of the number of directly elected members or, where one-half of the number of directly elected members results in a whole number and a fraction, as is equal to the whole number immediately following the result.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">No Actin relation to the computation of the number of PR members was ever passed but the 1993 Constitution in its Schedule 4 provided for the calculation of such seats.  Section 3(1) of the schedule provides that:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The following formula shall apply for the purpose of determining the number of proportionately elected members a political party may nominate -</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">A=<u>BxC</u></p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">      D</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Where:</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">A = number of proportionately elected members a political party may nominate;</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">B = relevant number;</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">C = total number of votes cast or deemed to be cast in favour of the candidates nominated by the political party; and</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">D = total number of valid votes cast or deemed to be cast at the election.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Relevant number is defined in section 1 as "...the number of proportionately elected members referred to in article 78" (then 11 as there were 22 electoral areas).</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">One National Assembly election took place where this system was used - the July 1993 elections and under the said formula 11 PR seats were indeed returned; Parti Lepep (then SPPF) received 6, the Democratic Party 4 and the United Opposition 1.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Subsequently, an amendment to the PR seats was proposed. It is evidently clear and not disputed that the 1996 Amendment to the Constitution sought to reduce the number of proportionately elected seats.  Its new article 78(b) states:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The National Assembly shall consist of -...</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">not more than 10 members elected on the basis of the scheme of representation specified in Schedule 4.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The amended section 2 of Schedule 4 now reads as:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">A political party which has nominated one or more candidates in a general election and has polled in respect of the candidates in aggregate 10% or more of the votes cast at the election may nominate a proportionately elected member for each 10% of the votes polled.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is also pertinent to note that after this amendment the number of electoral areas was increased from 22 to 25.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>The Constitutional Challenge</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The declaration of the Electoral Commission that the appellant had only polled 7.4% of the total votes resulted in the appellant failing to reach the requisite quota for a proportional representative seat under article 78 (b) and section 2 of Schedule 4.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In the Constitutional Court the appellant argued that his rights had been contravened under the said article; that the said contravention was occasioned by the erroneous use by 1<sup>st</sup> respondent of the number of "votes cast" as opposed to the number of "valid votes cast" in the computation for the number for a PR seats. In the appellant's estimation if 10% of the total "valid votes" cast had been used instead, it would have resulted in the PDM obtaining 10.89% and hence they would have been entitled to nominate one PR elected member to the National Assembly.  It is therefore the contention of the appellant that it was the usage of the literal interpretation of the words "votes cast" by the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent in section 2 of Schedule 4 under article 79(b) that resulted in his rights being contravened.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The appellant further argued that the Constitution used the terminology "votes cast" in several articles, namely articles 91(1), and sections 2(2) and 8(1) of Schedule 3 relating to the election of the President.  He also contended that a parallel had to be drawn with the counting procedure laid out in the Elections Act 1995 for the election of directly elected members of the National Assembly which clearly eliminated invalid votes in the procedure for election.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In response the respondents submitted that the words "votes cast" included all the votes both valid and invalid put into a ballot box.  He contended that that was indeed the intention of the legislature in varying the language from "valid votes" to "votes cast" in the amendment.  The 1<sup>st</sup> respondent further contended that that was indeed the manner in which all computations of proportionately elected members had been done in previous elections of the Third Republic of Seychelles.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court by majority judgments delivered by Chief Justice Egonda-Ntende and Justice Gaswaga on 25 October 2011 used the plain and ordinary meaning of the words "votes cast" in the context of Schedule 4 concluding that had the legislature intended that the threshold be 10% of the valid votes it would have said so exactly.  Justice Burhan in a dissenting judgment expressed the opposite view, namely that a change in language is not always indicative of a change of construction as the alteration in the language of a statute by a later statute could very well be for surplussage.  In that context he surmised that the use of the word "valid" in the amending Act of 1996 would inevitably have been surplussage and it was for this reason that the word "valid" was omitted.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The result of the above judgment resulted in the dismissal of the petition and the appellant has now appealed to this Court.  His seven grounds of appeal mirror his arguments in the Constitutional Court.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Grounds of Appeal</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The appellant's contention and grounds of appeal may be summarised as follows:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">·         That the judges who delivered the majority judgment erred in law in not applying the definition of "votes cast" in the Elections Act to the term used in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 to the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify">·         That the said judges erred in law in referring to the 1993 wording of Schedule 4 to the Constitution to construe the present meaning of the words "votes cast."</p> <p class="rtejustify">·         That the said judges failed to appreciate the object of the amending Act, the deliberations of the National Assembly of the 9 July 1996 and the entirety of the new formula regarding the entitlement of political parties to nominate proportionately elected members to the National Assembly.</p> <p class="rtejustify">·         That the judges failed to attach sufficient weight to the fact that the Amendment to the Constitution took place whilst the Elections Act 1995 was in force and hence the word "valid" in terms of the said Act was mere surplussage.</p> <p class="rtejustify">·         That the judges had erred on the facts by accepting the precedent of computation used by the Electoral Commission in past elections.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In considering the contentions of the appellant it seems to me that the only real issue in the present case is the interpretation of the words "votes cast" in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution.  In trying to find a definition various methods have been used by the parties and the Constitutional Court to arrive at what each thought must have been the intention of the legislator.  Hence different rules of interpretation have been followed.  Before I embark on the same journey I have chosen to resort to some mathematical calculations for PR seats under both the 1993 and the post-1996 formulae.  I have done so in order to satisfy myself what the purpose of the amendment was and to eliminate any perverse and unintended alternative that could not have been intended.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Under the 1993 formula of A = B x C but using the election results of 2011 and the present number of electoral seats (25), the PDM would have got 2 seats:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">13 (half of the 25 seats rounded up to the next figure) x 3828 = 1.414</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">This would have resulted in the entitlement of the PDM to nominate 2 proportionally elected members under the 1993 provisions of paragraph 3(2) and 3 (3) (ii) of Schedule 4 of the original Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Under the 1996 amendment and the present day formula the two alternatives are the following:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">·         According to the argument advanced by the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent the formula should be 3828 of 51,592 = 7.4% (51,592 being all votes cast including spoilt votes).  Hence O seat.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">·         According to the appellant and the 2<sup>nd</sup> respondent the formula should be 3828 of 35,145% =  10.89% (35,145 being only valid votes cast).  Hence 1 seat.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The above computations clearly illustrate that under the 1996 provisions either of the above computation delivers the aim of the amendment, that is to reduce the number of PR seats, albeit that the first alternative delivers more drastic results.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Travaux Préparatoires</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">To establish the correct interpretation of the provisions I therefore have to be guided both by the intentions of the legislator as evidenced by the deliberations of the National Assembly as well as rules of constitutional interpretation.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In this respect I have perused the proceedings of the National Assembly of the 9 July 1996.  I note that essentially the amendment sought to do 2 things:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">·         to reduce the number of PR seats from 11 to a maximum of 10.</p> <p class="rtejustify">·         to raise the percentage required to obtain such a seat from 8% to 10% of party votes.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">This is certainly borne out by the deliberations of the then SPPF members in the National Assembly, with a certain delicatesse by some members but with a great deal of crudeness and blatancy by others: viz p 28 National Assembly proceedings of 9 July 1996, verbatim extracts:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Minister Belmont “Bill pe propose ki sa nonm i vin 10, aktyelman I 11... sa lanmanmand i pou redwir par enn an term absoli, la kantite manm proposyonnelman elekte</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(my translation “This Bill proposes that the number (of PR seats) becomes 10, which presently is 11, reduced in absolute terms by 1 in relation to those members who are proportionately elected")'</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Honourable Herminie "I neseser Mse Speaker pou met an plas 10% pou lasemp rezon ki nou nepli kapab toler en sityasyon kot ou annan nou en minorite absoli ki pe fer en kantite tapaz 1o non lepep Seselwa."</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(my translation..”It is necessary Mr.Speaker to impose 10% for the simple reason that we cannot tolerate a situation where an absolute minority makes a great deal of noise in the name of the people of Seychelles.")</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">This amendment was strongly resisted by the opposition who saw a further dilution of its mandate:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Honourable Daniel Belle (for Democratic Party)... "I vedir ki I <em>infringe the rights of the electorate</em> sa i enportan akoz si yer avek % i ti nobou ganny li en seat, ozordi elektora ki dan en parti politik, ki fodre i ganny li 10% pou ii ganny en seat.  Donk lo pwen reprezantasyon, sa i en keksoz ki fodre pa nou oubliye.  E dan en sistenm de demokrasi reprezantatif nou bezwen dan en serten fason, regard sa pou wvar si anmemtan nou pa pe infringe rights sa bann dimoun.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(my translation "it means that it infringes the rights of the electorate, this is important since if yesterday one could with 8% gain one seat, today the electorate of a political party will need 10% to get one seat.  Hence on a point of representation that is something that must be borne in mind.  And in a system of representative democracy we have in some way to ensure that the rights of these people are not infringed')</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Honourable Ramkalawan for United Opposition (p 24-27 of the same proceedings)</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">"Kalkile si ki si dan lot eleksyon lopozisyon i reprezant li 49% me selman i pa ganny li en <em>first past the post</em>, atraver bann mannev ki zot fer...pou annan li zis 4 dimoun dan sa Lasamble.  Eski sa i en sityasyon ki aksetab?</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(my translation "Just think that if in another election the opposition proportionally receives 49% of the votes but no seat under the first past the post system, through your manoeuvres…. It would only have 4 members in the Assembly.  Is this an acceptable situation?”)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">What is also clear from the proceedings is that members of the SPPF seemed unclear about the aims of the amendment.  Some seemed to express the view that the amendment would result in 10 PR seats being returned, others that it would see a maximum of 10%.  Some opined that the amendment would curb the representation of "rogue minorities" in the Assembly (viz the "Hizbollah" reference by Honourable de Commarmond at p 31).  Minister Belmont indicates that it was purely to reduce and not to remove proportional representation.  The focus of Assembly members seemed to be more on the amendment of the Constitution to allow for the appointment of a Vice President, which amendment was debated during the same proceedings.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Hence we now have an Act which provisions according to the parties, can be interpreted in two ways: one which would allow proportional representation and one to all but remove it.  As the deliberations of the Assembly do not clarify the situation and does not aid in a literal interpretation of the provision I have no alternative but to look at the said provision in the context of the whole Constitution and at rules of interpretation contained in the Constitution but also in terms of constitutional rules of interpretation generally.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">We have also been invited by counsel for the appellant to refer to the provisions of the Elections Act which are in pari materia with the constitutional provisions but I do not think I need even make the comparison.I do however accept submissions of  counsel for the appellant that some help may be derived from provisions of the Elections Act as for all intents and purposes it addresses the same subject-matter, namely elections.  As the Act deals directly with the manner of elections, specifically National Assembly Elections, and figures emanating from votes cast for directly elected members of the Assembly have a direct and immediate bearing on the computation of the total PR seats attributable to each party, then it would be illogical to use one method in one (valid votes) and a different one (total votes) in the other.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>The interpretation of the Constitution</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In terms of rules of interpretation this Court is guided by the fact that the Constitution should be interpreted to give effect to it.  Paragraph 8 of Schedule 2 of the Constitution states that the provisions of the Constitution should be given their fair and liberal meaning, that the Constitution should be read as a whole and should be treated as speaking from time to time.  Similarly, we cannot overlook the provisions of article 48 which requires that the interpretation shall be done in such a way so as not to be inconsistent with inter alia international obligations and that judicial notice of international instruments, constitutions of other democratic States, decisions of the courts of the States or nations in respect of their Constitutions.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The decisions of <em>Atkinson v Government of Seychelles</em> SCA 1 of 2007 and <em>Paul Chow v Gappy and ors</em> SCA of 2007support this view and are authorities for the proposition that constitutional provisions have to be interpreted in a purposeful manner.  It must be noted that the rules of interpretation of written constitutions differ from the interpretation of ordinary statutes.  There is general recognition that constitutions are the products of political bargains and arrangements for the government of a country and as such merit a general and liberal interpretation.  Hence the Privy Council in <em>Home Affairs v Fisher </em>[1980] AC 319 held that -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Written constitutions were a consequence of their purpose and aim, quite distinct from legislation and subsidiary legislation.  Accordingly they should have their own rules of interpretation especially in relation to fundamental rights.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">This principle was extended to all provisions of constitutions in general in another Privy Council case, that of <em>AG of Fiji v DPP</em> [1983] 2 AC 672 where it was held that -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The political nature of the constitution should be acknowledged.  They contain principles, norms and values amongst other things which relate to constantly changing social and cultural values rather than some eternal unchangeable meaning....</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Obviously these rules only apply when interpretation is necessary; If there is no ambiguity, no interpretation is required.  The obvious meaning has to be declared.  If interpretation is required, this has to be done in the context of the constitution as a whole. In this respect the Latin maxim <em>Nemo aliquam partem recte intelligere potest antequam totum perlegit </em>–No one can properly understand apart until he has read the whole - is relevant.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The most entrenched principle in our Constitution is that of democracy; all the provisions of the Constitution are suffused with the principles of the rule of law, democracy and equality.  The Preamble to the Constitution contains those principles together with the declaration that all citizens should be able to exercise their individual rights and freedoms with due regard to the rights and freedoms of others and the common interest.  It is my view that all this serves in the interpretation of any individual provision of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Preamble to the Constitution can also assist in the purpose of interpretation.  In <em>Re Remuneration of Judges</em>[1997] 3 SCR 3, the Supreme Court of Canada held that;</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">...the preamble is not only a key to construing the express provisions of the Constitution Act, 1867, but also invites the use of those organizing principles to fill out gaps in the express terms of the constitutional scheme.  It is the means by which the underlying logic of the Act can be given the force of law.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Dworkin in his seminal work <em>Law's Empire</em> (at 255) states the following in relation to interpretation of the American Constitution:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The effort of each judge should be to construct the best interpretation of equality of which he or she is capable.  The inquiry might turn to any number of texts, precedents, or historical events, as well as moral intuitions and principled arguments.  The best interpretation is that which achieves the greatest harmony among these diverse sources.  We distort this process if we conceive of it as an effort to put into place a local community's unique concept of equality, instead of the constitutional goal of equality that is a common aspiration of American life.  The same can be said of liberty, due process, and the other broad values of our constitutionalism.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Similarly Justice Breyer of the Supreme Court United States believes that judges must be concerned with purposes and consequences as well as plain meaning when interpreting the Constitution.  (See Stephen G Breyer <em>Active Liberty Interpreting Our Democratic Constitution</em> (2005).</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I am of the view that what would most serve the present circumstances is a functional approach that will see the provisions of the Constitution operate as a whole in a coherent and harmonious way.  I am also guided by the provisions of other constitutions of democracies.  I am further aware that constitutionalism in this day and age struggles to reconcile the rule of law with the rule of popular interests.  I am therefore minded to interpret the Constitution only in the light of the wider commitment to the principles of liberty, fraternity, equality, justice and due process as expressed in the Preamble.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I have also trawled through different constitutions and looked at different methods of computing the number of PR seats including First Past the Post, Run-offs (Alternative Vote and Instant Run Of Transferable Vote (Single, Hare-Clark, D’Hondt and Sainte Lague), PR largest remainder (Hare quota) and Parallel systems (such as the Seychelles system). What I can say with certainty is that the number of seats under each system is calculated in different ways but what is equally certain is that none of the systems outlined above take into account the number of spoilt votes in computing the number of directly elected or PR seats to assemblies.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The reason for this is self evident.  If one includes spoilt votes in such computations, one is interpreting the intention behind the spoilt votes.  What we can guess perhaps, in the present case is that a large number of persons in the elections of October spoilt their votes as a gesture of protest against what they saw as illegal elections taking place as a result of the purported illegal dissolution of the Assembly.  However, a number of people also spoilt their votes as they did not know how to validly cast their votes or inadvertently spoilt their votes as is evidenced by previous figures in other elections.  It is impossible to separate those "real" spoilt votes from the "intentional" spoilt votes; It is also impossible to say how any of these persons voted. To count the number of spoilt votes into total votes and ascribe to it the meaning of valid votes is to deliberately interpret the latent vote of a voter into a patent one.  This then makes meaningless the distinction between spoilt votes and valid votes.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">To ascribe the meaning of "total votes" to "votes cast" I must therefore be persuaded that such a perverse intention was indeed intended by the 1996 Amendment.  As I have pointed out above, deliberations in the Assembly do not elicit such a clear intention by those who proposed the amendment.  If we are to keep faith with the Constitution and with its underlying basic principles of democracy and the rules of interpretation outlined above I cannot infer such an intention in the amendment.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The assertion by the Electoral Commission that they have always used only "total votes" as opposed to "valid votes" in the computation for the number of proportionally elected members does indeed show the Commission's consistency but as has been pointed out by Justice Gaswaga in the Constitutional Court this, however, does not make it right.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Finally, it would also seem to me, that there is a very obvious point missed by all parties concerned.  This alone may have been enough to explain the reason for the different terms used in the original constitutional provision and the amendment.  Since the original (1993) provision contained a formula which had to distinguish between “votes cast” (termed “C”) and "valid votes" (termed "D) both expressions had to be used.  The new formula adopted in 1996 is one solely based on percentages and the term "votes cast" does not need to be distinguished from "valid votes" as it is not employed in the formula at all and hence can only bear the meaning of “valid votes”.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Why then may we ask was this computing error not spotted since the introduction of the formula in 1996?  The answer is simple.  A review of election results since 1996 shows the average number of spoilt votes in the National Assembly Elections (of 1998, 2002, and 2007) was 1189.  Thus the margin in the computation for PR would have been slight between the use of the number of "valid votes" and“votes cast."  The error becomes manifest in the 2011 elections because the number of spoilt votes was 16,647.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In the circumstances and for all the aforementioned reasons I hold that the term "votes cast" in Schedule 2 part 4 of the Constitution means, “valid votes cast" and cannot include the number of spoilt votes for the computation of proportional representative seats to the National Assembly of Seychelles.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I am satisfied that the declaration of the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent made through its Chairperson Hendrick Gappy has contravened article 78(b) of the Constitution and paragraph 2 of the Schedule 4 of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I am further satisfied that the said contravention has affected the rights and interests of the appellant.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I direct the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent to compute the number of PR seats based on “valid votes cast” where the term “votes cast” is used in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution.  For the avoidance of doubt this includes the computation of the number of proportionately representative members of both the Parti Lepep and the Popular Democratic Movement.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I make no order as to costs.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>MACGREGOR P:</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I have read the judgments of Justice Fernando and Justice Twomey and concur with them.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>FERNANDO J:</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">This is a appeal against the majority judgment of the Constitutional Court, namely the judgments of the Chief Justice Egonda Ntende and Gaswaga J, dismissing an application by the appellant to the Constitutional Court wherein he prayed:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">i.              To declare that the declaration of the 1st respondent, made through its Chairperson, Mr Hendrick Gappy has contravened article 78(b) of the Constitution along with paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution or alternatively paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution, and that the contravention has affected the interest of the Petitioner;</p> <p class="rtejustify">ii.             To issue a writ of mandatory injunction ordering the respondent to make fresh declaration and decision, regarding the number of proportionately elected members that may be nominated as per the results of the general elections, on the basis that votes cast, are votes validly cast;</p> <p class="rtejustify">iii.            Make any other order this Honourable Court considers appropriate</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I wish to state at the very outset that this case has been politicized to a very great extent in view of the political background of the Leader of the Popular Democratic Movement (PDM), the early dissolution of the National Assembly, the manner of its dissolution, the sudden emergence of the PDM in the political arena and the call by the Seychelles National Party, the New Democratic Party and other politicians to the people of Seychelles to stay away from voting at the last general election. None of these factors can change the Constitution or the electoral process set out therein.  In <em>Scott v Sandford</em> 19 How 393 (US), 15 L Ed 691, it was held that -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Constitutions do not change with the varying tides of public opinion and desire.  The will of the people therein recorded is the same inflexible law until changed by their own deliberative action, and therefore, the courts should never allow a change in public sentiment to influence them in giving a construction to a written Constitution not warranted by the intention of its founder.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I am guided by these sentiments expressed in arriving at a decision in this case.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A general election was held from 29 September 2011 to 1 October 2011, during which the petitioner and Parti Lepep nominated candidates in each of the 25 electorates. The results of the general election were announced in the early hours of 2 October 2011, by the 1st respondent, through its Chairperson Mr. Hendrick Gappy, pursuant to section 38(3)(a) of the Elections Act read with Schedule 4 of the Constitution, wherein the Chairperson declared that the petitioner was not entitled to nominate any proportionately elected member to the National Assembly as it had polled only 7.4% of the total votes (total votes cast 51592), including votes which had been rejected (Rejected votes 16447), whilst Parti Lepep which had polled 60.3% of the total votes was entitled to nominate 6 proportionately elected members.  It is this declaration which gave rise to the application that was made to the Constitutional Court.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The petitioner at paragraph 9 of his petition before the Constitutional Court in particularizing the contravention of the Constitution and of the manner its interest has been affected has averred:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(i)            In terms of paragraph 2 of schedule 4 of the constitution, read with Article 113 of the constitution along with the provisions of the Election Act, the term 'votes cast' mean valid votes cast, but not the total number of ballot papers cast;</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(ii)           When the total number of votes polled by the candidates of the Petitioner, namely 3828 votes is calculated in respect of the total valid votes in the general election, namely 35145 votes, the Petitioner clearly polled 10.89 percent of the votes cast and hence the Petitioner is entitled to nominate one proportionately elected member, of the National Assembly;</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(iii)         As a result of the declaration of the 1st Respondent as set out above at paragraph 8, the Petitioner has been deprived of its constitutional right to nominate a proportionately elected member of the National assembly and thus of the opportunity and right to participate in the National Assembly.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The appellant has filed the following grounds of appeal:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">i.              Egonda Ntende CJ and Gaswaga Jerred in law in holding that the Constitution is a complete code and is self-contained, and as such there is no necessity to refer to the Elections Act for the definition of the term "votes cast" as set out at paragraph 2 of the Fourth Schedule of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">ii.            Egonda Ntende C J and Gaswaga Jerred in law in holding that the provisions of the Elections Act do not apply in respect of the nomination of proportionately elected members of the National Assembly, but rather applies only to the election of the President and directly elected members of the National Assembly.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">iii.           Egonda Ntende C J and Gaswag Jerred in law in referring to the former provision of Schedule 4 of the Constitution, in that there was no necessity to do so in view that the term "votes cast" when considers in the light of the Election Act is unambiguous and clear.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">iv.           Egonda Ntende C J and Gaswaga Jerred in law in failing to attach sufficient weight to the fact that the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution (by Act 14 of 1996) changed the entire formula of Schedule 4 regarding the entitlement of political parties to nominate proportionately elected members, rather than a simple amendment of deletion of the word "valid" from the provision of the said Schedule.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">v.            Egonda Ntende C J and Gaswaga J erred in law in failing to attach sufficient weight to the object of the bill and to the deliberation of National Assembly of the 9th of July 1996, to the effect that the intention of the amendment was merely to reduce the maximum number of proportionately elected members from 11 to 10.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">vi.           Egonda Ntende C J and Gaswaga J erred in law in failing to attach sufficient weight to the fact that at the time of the Fourth amendment to the Constitution, the Election Act was in force since 1995 and the term "valid" in schedule 4 was mere surplusage in view of the provisions of the Election Act;</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">vii.          Egonda Ntende C.J. and Gaswaga Jerred on the facts in holding that in the past elections the Electoral Commissioner had always calculated the number of proportionately elected members a political party was entitled to nominate on the total votes cast.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The appellant has prayed for from this Court, the same relief as prayed for in his petition before the Constitutional Court and as set out at paragraph 1 above.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Both respondents admit the number of votes polled (3828) by the petitioner and the percentage of those votes vis-a.-vis in relation to the total votes cast (7.4%) and valid votes cast (10.89%) at the election. The dispute is only in relation to whether it is the total <em>votes </em>cast (51592) including votes which had been rejected (Rejected votes 16447) or the valid votes cast (35145) that has to be considered in relation to the determination of the number of proportionately elected members a political party may nominate.  This calls for an examination and interpretation of article 78 and paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution, bearing in mind that paragraph 8(b) of Schedule 2 of the Constitution requires that for the purposes of interpretation the Constitution shall be read as a whole. In <em>Old Wayne Assn v Mc-Donougb</em> 51 L Ed 345, <em>Downes v Bidwell</em> 182 US 244, 45 L Ed 1088, <em>Myers v United States</em>271 US 5271 LEd 60 it was held -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The Constitution must be considered as a whole, and so as to give effect, as far as possible, to all its provisions.It is an established canon of constitutional construction that not one provision of the Constitution is to be separated from all others, and considered alone, but that all the provisions bearing upon a particular subject are to be brought into view and to be so interpreted as to effectuate the great purposes of the instrument.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Article 78 of the Constitution states:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The National Assembly shall consist of -</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(a)        Such number of members directly elected in accordance with -</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:106.9pt;">(i)             this Constitution; and</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:70.9pt;">(ii)     subject to this Constitution, an Act, as is equal to the number of   electoral areas;</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:70.9pt;">(b)        not more than 10 members elected on the basis of the scheme of proportional representation specified in Schedule 4."</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 states:</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">A political party which has nominated one or more candidates in a general election and has polled in respect of the candidates in aggregate 10% or more of the votes cast at the election may nominate a proportionately elected member for each 10% of the votes polled.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In the Preamble to the Constitution, the people of Seychelles, considering that all powers of Government spring from the will of the people, have, in exercising their natural and inalienable right to a framework of government which shall secure for themselves and posterity the blessings of truth, liberty, fraternity, equality of opportunity, justice, peace, stability and prosperity, have solemnly declared their unswaying commitment, during the Third Republic, to develop a democratic system. The Preamble of the Constitution is part of the Constitution.  It is the basic structure of the Constitution and therefore serves as a key to understanding thereof. It derives source of power from 'We, the People of Seychelles'. The Preamble was enacted and adopted by the same procedure as the rest of the Constitution and expresses in a few words the philosophy of the Constitution. In the case of <em>Kesavananda Bharati v State of Kerala</em> (1973) AIR SC 1461 it was held that "the preamble of the Constitution was part of the Constitution." In <em>Charan Lal Sahu v Union of India </em>AIR 1990 SC 1480 and <em>J M Puthuparambil v Kerala Water Authority</em> (1990) AIR SC 2228 it was held that -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The recognition of the preamble as an integral part of the Constitution makes the preamble a valuable aid in the construction of the provisions of the Constitution because unlike the preamble to an Act, the preamble of the Constitution occupies the same position as other enacting words or provisions of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In order to translate the aspirations of the people of Seychelles into a reality the Constitution has,in article 24, enshrined and entrenched the right of every citizen of Seychelles who has attained the age of eighteen years to take part in the conduct of public affairs either directly or through freely chosen representatives and to be registered as a voter for the purpose of and to vote by secret ballot at public elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitution has provided in article 113 that:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">A citizen of Seychelles who is registered as voter in an electoral area, shall be entitled to vote in accordance with law, in the electoral area –</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">(a)  at an election of the office of the President;</p> <p class="rtejustify">(b)  at an election of the members of the National Assembly; or</p> <p class="rtejustify">(c)  in a referendum held under this Constitution,</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">unless disqualified to vote under the Constitution or the law.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitution has also placed an obligation in article 40 on every citizen of Seychelles to uphold and defend the Constitution and the law, to further the national interest; and generally, to strive towards the fulfilment of the aspirations contained in the Preamble of this Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">To develop a democratic system and to ensure that all powers of Government spring from the will of the people, the Constitution sets out a specified democratic process, namely participation in the electoral process through their freely chosen representatives. It sets out in detail at articles 78 and paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution, as referred to at paragraph 6 above, how the National Assembly must be composed.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The purpose of article 78 read in line with article 112(2) under which 25 electoral areas have been created, is to ensure that there is maximum representation in the National Assembly, namely 35 members, as far as possible, who shall be the freely chosen representatives of the citizens of Seychelles.  This is borne out by the words, "The National Assembly shall consist of”.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Article 1 of the Constitution states: "Seychelles is a sovereign democratic Republic."  In explaining the word 'democratic' which appears in the Constitution and which describes India as a 'Sovereign Socialist Secular Democratic Republic' it was held in the case of <em>R C Poudyal v Union of India</em>(1993) AIR SC 1804 -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">It is democratic because the Constitution ensures the creation and existence of the government at the will of the people through their participation in the formation of the government at regular intervals on the principle of universal adult franchise.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The above provisions make clear the type of representative democracy that is envisaged for the people of Seychelles by the Constitution and the people of Seychelles cannot therefore move out of this constitutional framework in expressing their will. To do so will amount to a breach of their fundamental duty to defend the Constitution and, to strive towards the fulfillment of the aspirations contained in the Preamble of this Constitution and make a mockery of articles 1, 24 and 113 of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Within this backdrop I wish to consider the question whether a Seychellois citizen's right to vote includes his right not to vote or spoil his vote? No doubt as a general proposition one's right to vote undoubtedly includes his right not to vote or spoil his vote but to equate that right to his constitutional right "to take part in the conduct of public affairs" or to treat that as an exercise of one's "individual rights and freedoms with due regard to the rights and freedoms of others and the common interest" or to equate that to his constitutional duty “touphold and defend the Constitution and the law; to further the national interest; and generally, to strive towards the fulfilment of the aspirations contained in the Preamble of this Constitution", namely to "develop a democratic system"; is farfetched. The rights set out in articles 24 and 113 taken in conjunction with the duties of a citizen as set out in article 40 of the Constitution place an obligation on a citizen to cast a valid vote at any election or referendum.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is inconceivable to think that the drafters of the Constitution expected of the citizens to stay away from voting, to spoil their votes deliberately or to vote incorrectly as a fundamental right and further more to give validity to such actions. Article 24(b) of the Constitution states that the right to vote may be regulated by a law necessary in a democratic society.  According to article 113 of the Constitution a citizen's right to vote shall be in accordance with law.  The law enacted making provision for any matter, not otherwise provided for in the Constitution, which is necessary or required to ensure a true, fair and effective election of members of the National Assembly is the Elections Act. Section 25 of the Elections Act specifies the procedure for voting.  According to section 25(1)(c) a person wishing to vote at the polling station shall record the vote in the manner explained in the notices referred to in section 21(1)(c) and by the Electoral Officer. Section 21(1) (c) states that "A polling station shall be furnished with notices both inside and outside the station, containing instructions relating to the voting to be followed at the election."  In view of the duty cast on a citizen under article 40(a) of the Constitution to uphold and defend the Constitution and the law, voting at an election to be valid, shall be in accordance with the procedure set out in section 25(l)(c). In the case of <em>Bappoo v Bhugaloo</em>  (1978) MR 105, it was said:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">While it is true that effect should be given to the intention of the voter if it can be so ascertained from the marking on the ballot paper, the voter must comply with certain discipline, at least such as is necessary to regulate the holding of an election according to the expressed requirement of the law.  The moment the voter adopts a method of voting which conflicts with the orderly arrangement of election, his licence to express his vote as he chooses ends ....</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Staying away from voting or spoiling one's vote is not the constitutional formula to show one's protest to the electoral process, although certainly a right of any citizen and a factor that certainly should not be ignored by any Government that comes into power. This is similar to one's right to freedom of thought and religion, freedom to hold opinions and freedom of peaceful assembly and association but to expect from the exercise of those rights, that others should conform to your views, would amount to belittling of the rights of others enshrined in the Constitution. Another way of looking at this would be to examine the right of access to Court of a person who has a grievance.  It is abundantly clear that such a person should conform to the time limits and the procedure set out for litigation, if he/she is to be entitled to a hearing. He/she loses his right on his failure to comply with the time limits and the procedure set out for litigation.  Therefore in determining the membership of the National Assembly whether 'directly elected' or 'proportionately elected' it is only the wishes of those who decided to cast their votes correctly in favour of a candidate as expected of all Seychellois citizens, that needs to be considered and not those who sought to deliberately spoil the vote or vote incorrectly.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">To determine otherwise will cause a further anomaly, namely there will be two different yardsticks to determine 'directly elected' and 'proportionately elected' members. That is 'directly elected' members would be determined on the basis of the valid votes cast and the 'proportionately elected' members would be determined on the basis of the total votes cast. I find it difficult to conceive that this is what was envisaged by the drafters of the Constitution.  Further to decide that 'proportionately elected' members are determined on the basis of the total votes cast, would amount to deprivation of the rights of those who cast valid votes at the election in having the maximum number of their freely chosen representatives in the National Assembly. This will amount to a violation of their enshrined and entrenched right under article 24(1)(a) of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">There is no legal provision either in the Constitution or in any other law by which to assume that a spoilt vote that is rejected has any status in determining the will of the people to develop a democratic system or to be counted in the determination of the number of proportionately elected members.  Undoubtedly the political realities of the times and the voices of the people, who decide to stay away from voting or deliberately spoil the vote, should have the consideration of anyone interested in the democratic process but to give effect to them in the selection of the members ofthe National Assembly, should be in accordance to the constitutional framework. One cannot ignore the fact that the two parties which contested the general election had received 67.7% of the total votes (both valid and rejected) cast, which indicates that a majority of those who voted exercised their right to vote with the intention of choosing their representatives to the National Assembly and to have maximum representation of their representatives in the National Assembly as envisaged by article 78 of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A democratic constitution cannot be interpreted in a narrow and pedantic (in the sense of strictly literal) sense. Constitutional provision is to be interpreted in the light of the basic structure of the Constitution.  The Constitution makes provision for an electoral process whereby every citizen may take part in the conduct of public affairs either directly or through freely chosen representatives.  Therefore any constitutional interpretation which subverts or goes against the democratic process is anti-constitutional. It was held in case of <em>Prof Manubhai D Shah v Life Insurance Corp</em> (1981) 22 Guj LR 206 and <em>Fatechand Himatalal v State of Maharashtra</em> (1977) MP LJ 261 (SC) that;</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">It is the basic and cardinal principle of interpretation of a democratic Constitution that it is interpreted to foster, develop and enrich democratic institutions.  To interpret a democratic Constitution so as to squeeze the democratic institutions of their life is to deny to the people or a section thereof the full benefit of the institutions which they have established for their benefit.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The function of a Constitution is to establish the framework and general principles of Government<em>, </em>and hence, merely technical rules of construction of statutes are not to be applied so as to defeat the principles of the government, or the objects of its establishment.  In <em>State of West Bengal V Anwar Ali Sakar</em> (1952) SCR 284 Bose J stated -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The true content of the words is not to be gathered by simply taking the words in one hand and a dictionary in the other, for the provisions of the Constitution are not mathematical formulae which have their essence in mere form.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In <em>HHMaharajadhiraja Mahadav Rao v Union of India</em> (1971) SCC 85 it was held;</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> It is the duty of the court to determine in what particular meaning and particular shade of meaning the word or expression was used by the constitution makers.  Moreover,in discharging that duty, the court will take into account the context in which it occurs, the object to serve which it was used, its collocation, the general incongruity with the concept or object it was intended to articulate and a host of other considerations. Above all, the court will avoid repugnancy with accepted norms of justice and reason.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In view of what has been stated above I have arrived at the following conclusions.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Ground (i) of the appeal has been based on the finding made by the Gaswaga J to the effect that -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">....... when interpreting the Constitution ...... especially a provision like Schedule 4 which is a code on its own, or if I may say, self-contained, ........ distinctly and exhaustively outlined one need not trouble themselves to go elsewhere. outside the Constitution to seek assistance or invoke provisions of an inferior legislation, even if they are enabling laws like the Elections Act, Cap 68A ........ where the superior law can stand and speak on its own on a given matter, such reinforcement would be irrelevant and of no consequence, if not, a total surplusage;</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">And the views expressed by the Chief Justice in similar terms. I have no difficulty in agreeing with the views expressed by the C J and Gaswaga J that Schedule 4 is a code on its own, self-contained distinctly and exhaustively outlined and that "one need not trouble themselves to go elsewhere, outside the Constitution to seek assistance"; but in difficulty to understand why the Justices, having said that, decided to go elsewhere, outside the Constitution to seek assistance by relying on paragraph 3 of Schedule 4 which was repealed by the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution, namely, Act No 14 of 1996, in order to interpret paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 as one presently find in the Constitution, which is the 3rd ground of appeal. The words "votes cast" in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 on a reading of the Constitution as a whole especially the provisions in the Preamble, articles 1, 24(1)(a), 40(a)(t), 78 and 113 are unambiguous and clear and one need not look into the repealed provision to understand its meaning. I am therefore of the view that although there was no necessity to refer to the Elections Act for the definition of the term "votes cast" as set out at paragraph 2 of the 4th Schedule of the Constitution, doing so will not in any way affect the meaning that can otherwise be attributed to them on a reading of the Constitution as a whole.  It would only support it.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Ground (ii) of appeal is based on Gaswaga J’s finding that "the Elections Act does not apply to proportionately elected members otherwise the Constitution would have expressly said so." According to him article 78(a) "outlines the law applicable to the process of directly elected members of the National assembly as the Constitution and the Act."  The C J had also expressed himself in similar terms when he said: "One need not go for assistance to another law dealing only with the election of the President and directly elected members of the National Assembly." In saying this, the Justices have ignored the provisios section 79(8) which states:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">A law may provide for any matter, not otherwise provided for in this Constitution, which is necessary or required to ensure a true, fair and <em>'effective election' of members of the National Assembly"</em>(Emphasis by me). </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">This in my view and as stated earlier is to ensure maximum representation as possible in the National Assembly.  I am of the <em>view </em>that the Elections Act applies, as the number of proportionately elected members is determined on the basis of the results of an effective general election, namely the aggregate number of votes polled by a political party that nominated candidates at the election. It is also worth noting that our Constitution makes reference to proportionately elected members rather than proportionately nominated members (emphasis is by me) as one finds in other constitutions and election laws. I therefore hold with the appellant on ground (ii).</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Grounds iii, iv and v of appeal are all based on the reliance of the Chief Justice and Gaswaga J on the provision of the Constitution that was repealed by the Fourth Amendment in interpreting the words 'votes cast' in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4. According to Gaswaga J the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Specifically omitted the words 'total valid votes cast' and instead replaced the said words with 'votes cast'.  The words must be carrying different meaning and their application to the electoral process obviously produces different results.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Chief Justice had also expressed himself in similar terms.  What is to be noted is that the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution not only decreased the total number of proportionately elected members from 11 to 10 and increased the percentage of the aggregate number of votes a political party had to poll before they could become entitled to nominate a proportionately elected member to the National Assembly from 8% to 10% but changed the entire formula as correctly stated by the appellant of the process of selecting proportionately elected members. Gaswaga J on a reading of the objects and reasons in the Bill pertaining to the 4th amendment as well as the Assembly's debate on the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution as reported in Hansard, has stated that they reveal the intention behind the amendment and appears to find support for his conclusion that the words 'votes cast' in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 mean the 'total votes cast' and not the 'valid votes cast'.  The "objects and reasons' in the Fourth Amendment Bill merely state -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The Bill seeks to limit the number of proportionately elected members of the National Assembly to 10.  In this connection Schedule 4 is sought to be amended to provide that only a political party which has nominated one or more candidates in a general election and which has polled a total of not less than 10% of the votes at the election qualifies to nominate proportionately elected members to the Assembly.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">There is nothing in the said "objects and reasons' or in the Assembly's debate as reported in Hansard, that is helpful to interpret the words "votes cast at the election" in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution.  The general principle is that when an Act or clause therein is repealed it must be considered, except as to transactions past and closed, as if it had never existed.  The effect thereof is to obliterate the Act or the repealed provision completely from the record as if it had never been passed; it never existed except for the purpose of those actions which were commenced and concluded while it was an existing law.  Therefore the Chief Justice and Gaswaga J were in error in relying on the repealed provision of Schedule 4 to interpret the words 'votes cast' in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution and more so because there is nothing in the "objects and reasons' of the Amendment Bill or in the Assembly's debate as reported in Hansard which indicates that a change was been made to the meaning to be attributed to the words 'votes cast'.  I therefore hold with the appellant on grounds (iii), (iv) and (v).</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Ground (vi) of the appeal is to the effect that that at the time of the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution, the Elections Act was in force and the term "valid" in the repealed provision of Schedule 4 was mere surplusage in view of the provisions of the Elections Act and that the Chief Justice and Gaswaga I had failed to attach sufficient weight to that fact. I am of the view that the term 'valid' in relation to a votes cast at a presidential or National Assembly election or referendum has always been mere surplusage in view of our constitutional framework and does not become surplusage only in view of the provisions of the Elections Act.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Ground (vii) is misconceived as Gaswaga J did not err on the facts in stating what he did state. It is also clear that Gaswaga J I had not in any way been influenced in arriving at his decision based on the 1st respondent's interpretation of paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution for he had clearly stated:</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Further, even if it had come to the notice of the Court at this point in time that in the previous elections the 1st Respondent had applied the said Constitutional provisions wrongly to the electoral process, that in itself would not have in any way affected the decision or outcome of this petition.  Two wrongs cannot make a right</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I am therefore of the view that there is no merit in ground (vii) of appeal.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I therefore on the basis of what is set out above, reverse the decisions of the Chief Justice and Gaswaga J and allow the appeal and declare that the declaration of the 1st respondent through its Chairperson Mr Hendrick Gappy made in the early hours of 2 October 2011 after the general election that was held from 29 September 2011 to 1 October 2011, that the petitioner was not entitled to nominate any proportionately elected member to the National Assembly has contravened paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I also issue a writ of mandamus ordering the 1st respondent to make a fresh determination and declaration regarding the number of proportionately elected members the two political parties that contested at the general election of 2011, may nominate on the basis that the term 'votes cast' referred to in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution means only the 'valid votes cast’.</p> </div> <div class="views-element-container"><div class="view view-eva view-download-conditional view-id-download_conditional view-display-id-entity_view_1 js-view-dom-id-1ffbc0243d11e3f4dbd84ee76650f2aed29d33434ae6add865f8ddc2aaccb636"> <div><div class="views-field views-field-views-conditional-field"><span class="field-content"><h2 class="rtejustify">  </h2> <h2 class="rtecenter"> POPULAR DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT v ELECTORAL COMMISSION</h2> <p class="rtecenter"> </p> <p class="rtecenter"><strong>(2011) SLR 385</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">B Hoareau for the appellant</p> <p class="rtejustify">F Ally for the first respondent</p> <p class="rtejustify">R Govinden, Attorney-General</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Before MacGregor P, Fernando, Twomey JJ</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Judgment delivered on 9 December 2011 by TWOMEY J:</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>The Facts</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In July 2011 a member of the Seychelles National Party, the main opposition party, voted with members of the ruling Parti Lepep to dissolve the National Assembly. General elections were held on 29 September to 1 October 2011.  The Popular Democratic Movement (PDM) is a political party which registered under the Political Parties (Registration and Regulations) Act just before the said elections.  As the other existing opposition parties decided to boycott these elections, the PDM was therefore the only party contesting the elections against the incumbent, the Parti Lepep.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The PDM fielded candidates in each of the 25 electoral areas for the National Assembly Elections.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The 1<sup>st</sup> respondent is a statutory body created by virtue of the Constitution charged with conducting and supervising elections and referenda in Seychelles.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The 2<sup>nd</sup> respondent is made a respondent in accordance with rule 3 of the Constitutional Court (Application, Contravention, Enforcement and Interpretation of the Constitution) Rules 1994.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The elections were duly conducted and supervised by the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent from 29 September to 11 October 2011, after which elections the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent through its chairperson announced the results in each of the 25 electoral areas on 2 October 2011.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The appellant failed to win any seats for directly elected members to the National Assembly.  Further the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent declared that the petitioner having won only 7.4% of the total votes cast at the elections was not entitled to any proportionately elected members in the National Assembly.  It is this declaration that culminated in the present appeal by the appellant.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The full results, insofar as they affected the appellant were as follows:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Total votes cast                     51,592</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Total valid votes                   35,145</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Votes cast for PDM                3,828</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">As an aside it must be noted that this was the first time so many spoilt votes were recorded in any elections in Seychelles, resulting largely from the boycott of the elections by the other opposition parties.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><u>The Law</u></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is important at this juncture to look at the original article of the Constitution in relation to the computation of proportional representative (PR) seats to fully understand the appellant's case.  The Third Constitution of the Republic of Seychelles was promulgated in 1993.  Article 78 reads as follows:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The National Assembly shall consist of -</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">(a)  such number of members directly elected in accordance with -</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(i)  This Constitution; and</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(ii) Subject to this Constitution, an Act,</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">     as is equal to the number of electoral areas;</p> <p class="rtejustify">(b)  such number of members elected on the basis of the scheme of proportional representation specified in Schedule 4 as is equal to one-half of the number of directly elected members or, where one-half of the number of directly elected members results in a whole number and a fraction, as is equal to the whole number immediately following the result.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">No Actin relation to the computation of the number of PR members was ever passed but the 1993 Constitution in its Schedule 4 provided for the calculation of such seats.  Section 3(1) of the schedule provides that:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The following formula shall apply for the purpose of determining the number of proportionately elected members a political party may nominate -</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">A=<u>BxC</u></p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">      D</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Where:</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">A = number of proportionately elected members a political party may nominate;</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">B = relevant number;</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">C = total number of votes cast or deemed to be cast in favour of the candidates nominated by the political party; and</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">D = total number of valid votes cast or deemed to be cast at the election.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Relevant number is defined in section 1 as "...the number of proportionately elected members referred to in article 78" (then 11 as there were 22 electoral areas).</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">One National Assembly election took place where this system was used - the July 1993 elections and under the said formula 11 PR seats were indeed returned; Parti Lepep (then SPPF) received 6, the Democratic Party 4 and the United Opposition 1.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Subsequently, an amendment to the PR seats was proposed. It is evidently clear and not disputed that the 1996 Amendment to the Constitution sought to reduce the number of proportionately elected seats.  Its new article 78(b) states:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The National Assembly shall consist of -...</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">not more than 10 members elected on the basis of the scheme of representation specified in Schedule 4.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The amended section 2 of Schedule 4 now reads as:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">A political party which has nominated one or more candidates in a general election and has polled in respect of the candidates in aggregate 10% or more of the votes cast at the election may nominate a proportionately elected member for each 10% of the votes polled.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is also pertinent to note that after this amendment the number of electoral areas was increased from 22 to 25.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>The Constitutional Challenge</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The declaration of the Electoral Commission that the appellant had only polled 7.4% of the total votes resulted in the appellant failing to reach the requisite quota for a proportional representative seat under article 78 (b) and section 2 of Schedule 4.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In the Constitutional Court the appellant argued that his rights had been contravened under the said article; that the said contravention was occasioned by the erroneous use by 1<sup>st</sup> respondent of the number of "votes cast" as opposed to the number of "valid votes cast" in the computation for the number for a PR seats. In the appellant's estimation if 10% of the total "valid votes" cast had been used instead, it would have resulted in the PDM obtaining 10.89% and hence they would have been entitled to nominate one PR elected member to the National Assembly.  It is therefore the contention of the appellant that it was the usage of the literal interpretation of the words "votes cast" by the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent in section 2 of Schedule 4 under article 79(b) that resulted in his rights being contravened.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The appellant further argued that the Constitution used the terminology "votes cast" in several articles, namely articles 91(1), and sections 2(2) and 8(1) of Schedule 3 relating to the election of the President.  He also contended that a parallel had to be drawn with the counting procedure laid out in the Elections Act 1995 for the election of directly elected members of the National Assembly which clearly eliminated invalid votes in the procedure for election.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In response the respondents submitted that the words "votes cast" included all the votes both valid and invalid put into a ballot box.  He contended that that was indeed the intention of the legislature in varying the language from "valid votes" to "votes cast" in the amendment.  The 1<sup>st</sup> respondent further contended that that was indeed the manner in which all computations of proportionately elected members had been done in previous elections of the Third Republic of Seychelles.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court by majority judgments delivered by Chief Justice Egonda-Ntende and Justice Gaswaga on 25 October 2011 used the plain and ordinary meaning of the words "votes cast" in the context of Schedule 4 concluding that had the legislature intended that the threshold be 10% of the valid votes it would have said so exactly.  Justice Burhan in a dissenting judgment expressed the opposite view, namely that a change in language is not always indicative of a change of construction as the alteration in the language of a statute by a later statute could very well be for surplussage.  In that context he surmised that the use of the word "valid" in the amending Act of 1996 would inevitably have been surplussage and it was for this reason that the word "valid" was omitted.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The result of the above judgment resulted in the dismissal of the petition and the appellant has now appealed to this Court.  His seven grounds of appeal mirror his arguments in the Constitutional Court.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Grounds of Appeal</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The appellant's contention and grounds of appeal may be summarised as follows:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">·         That the judges who delivered the majority judgment erred in law in not applying the definition of "votes cast" in the Elections Act to the term used in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 to the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify">·         That the said judges erred in law in referring to the 1993 wording of Schedule 4 to the Constitution to construe the present meaning of the words "votes cast."</p> <p class="rtejustify">·         That the said judges failed to appreciate the object of the amending Act, the deliberations of the National Assembly of the 9 July 1996 and the entirety of the new formula regarding the entitlement of political parties to nominate proportionately elected members to the National Assembly.</p> <p class="rtejustify">·         That the judges failed to attach sufficient weight to the fact that the Amendment to the Constitution took place whilst the Elections Act 1995 was in force and hence the word "valid" in terms of the said Act was mere surplussage.</p> <p class="rtejustify">·         That the judges had erred on the facts by accepting the precedent of computation used by the Electoral Commission in past elections.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In considering the contentions of the appellant it seems to me that the only real issue in the present case is the interpretation of the words "votes cast" in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution.  In trying to find a definition various methods have been used by the parties and the Constitutional Court to arrive at what each thought must have been the intention of the legislator.  Hence different rules of interpretation have been followed.  Before I embark on the same journey I have chosen to resort to some mathematical calculations for PR seats under both the 1993 and the post-1996 formulae.  I have done so in order to satisfy myself what the purpose of the amendment was and to eliminate any perverse and unintended alternative that could not have been intended.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Under the 1993 formula of A = B x C but using the election results of 2011 and the present number of electoral seats (25), the PDM would have got 2 seats:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">13 (half of the 25 seats rounded up to the next figure) x 3828 = 1.414</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">This would have resulted in the entitlement of the PDM to nominate 2 proportionally elected members under the 1993 provisions of paragraph 3(2) and 3 (3) (ii) of Schedule 4 of the original Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Under the 1996 amendment and the present day formula the two alternatives are the following:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">·         According to the argument advanced by the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent the formula should be 3828 of 51,592 = 7.4% (51,592 being all votes cast including spoilt votes).  Hence O seat.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">·         According to the appellant and the 2<sup>nd</sup> respondent the formula should be 3828 of 35,145% =  10.89% (35,145 being only valid votes cast).  Hence 1 seat.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The above computations clearly illustrate that under the 1996 provisions either of the above computation delivers the aim of the amendment, that is to reduce the number of PR seats, albeit that the first alternative delivers more drastic results.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Travaux Préparatoires</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">To establish the correct interpretation of the provisions I therefore have to be guided both by the intentions of the legislator as evidenced by the deliberations of the National Assembly as well as rules of constitutional interpretation.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In this respect I have perused the proceedings of the National Assembly of the 9 July 1996.  I note that essentially the amendment sought to do 2 things:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">·         to reduce the number of PR seats from 11 to a maximum of 10.</p> <p class="rtejustify">·         to raise the percentage required to obtain such a seat from 8% to 10% of party votes.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">This is certainly borne out by the deliberations of the then SPPF members in the National Assembly, with a certain delicatesse by some members but with a great deal of crudeness and blatancy by others: viz p 28 National Assembly proceedings of 9 July 1996, verbatim extracts:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Minister Belmont “Bill pe propose ki sa nonm i vin 10, aktyelman I 11... sa lanmanmand i pou redwir par enn an term absoli, la kantite manm proposyonnelman elekte</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(my translation “This Bill proposes that the number (of PR seats) becomes 10, which presently is 11, reduced in absolute terms by 1 in relation to those members who are proportionately elected")'</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Honourable Herminie "I neseser Mse Speaker pou met an plas 10% pou lasemp rezon ki nou nepli kapab toler en sityasyon kot ou annan nou en minorite absoli ki pe fer en kantite tapaz 1o non lepep Seselwa."</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(my translation..”It is necessary Mr.Speaker to impose 10% for the simple reason that we cannot tolerate a situation where an absolute minority makes a great deal of noise in the name of the people of Seychelles.")</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">This amendment was strongly resisted by the opposition who saw a further dilution of its mandate:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Honourable Daniel Belle (for Democratic Party)... "I vedir ki I <em>infringe the rights of the electorate</em> sa i enportan akoz si yer avek % i ti nobou ganny li en seat, ozordi elektora ki dan en parti politik, ki fodre i ganny li 10% pou ii ganny en seat.  Donk lo pwen reprezantasyon, sa i en keksoz ki fodre pa nou oubliye.  E dan en sistenm de demokrasi reprezantatif nou bezwen dan en serten fason, regard sa pou wvar si anmemtan nou pa pe infringe rights sa bann dimoun.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(my translation "it means that it infringes the rights of the electorate, this is important since if yesterday one could with 8% gain one seat, today the electorate of a political party will need 10% to get one seat.  Hence on a point of representation that is something that must be borne in mind.  And in a system of representative democracy we have in some way to ensure that the rights of these people are not infringed')</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Honourable Ramkalawan for United Opposition (p 24-27 of the same proceedings)</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">"Kalkile si ki si dan lot eleksyon lopozisyon i reprezant li 49% me selman i pa ganny li en <em>first past the post</em>, atraver bann mannev ki zot fer...pou annan li zis 4 dimoun dan sa Lasamble.  Eski sa i en sityasyon ki aksetab?</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(my translation "Just think that if in another election the opposition proportionally receives 49% of the votes but no seat under the first past the post system, through your manoeuvres…. It would only have 4 members in the Assembly.  Is this an acceptable situation?”)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">What is also clear from the proceedings is that members of the SPPF seemed unclear about the aims of the amendment.  Some seemed to express the view that the amendment would result in 10 PR seats being returned, others that it would see a maximum of 10%.  Some opined that the amendment would curb the representation of "rogue minorities" in the Assembly (viz the "Hizbollah" reference by Honourable de Commarmond at p 31).  Minister Belmont indicates that it was purely to reduce and not to remove proportional representation.  The focus of Assembly members seemed to be more on the amendment of the Constitution to allow for the appointment of a Vice President, which amendment was debated during the same proceedings.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Hence we now have an Act which provisions according to the parties, can be interpreted in two ways: one which would allow proportional representation and one to all but remove it.  As the deliberations of the Assembly do not clarify the situation and does not aid in a literal interpretation of the provision I have no alternative but to look at the said provision in the context of the whole Constitution and at rules of interpretation contained in the Constitution but also in terms of constitutional rules of interpretation generally.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">We have also been invited by counsel for the appellant to refer to the provisions of the Elections Act which are in pari materia with the constitutional provisions but I do not think I need even make the comparison.I do however accept submissions of  counsel for the appellant that some help may be derived from provisions of the Elections Act as for all intents and purposes it addresses the same subject-matter, namely elections.  As the Act deals directly with the manner of elections, specifically National Assembly Elections, and figures emanating from votes cast for directly elected members of the Assembly have a direct and immediate bearing on the computation of the total PR seats attributable to each party, then it would be illogical to use one method in one (valid votes) and a different one (total votes) in the other.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>The interpretation of the Constitution</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In terms of rules of interpretation this Court is guided by the fact that the Constitution should be interpreted to give effect to it.  Paragraph 8 of Schedule 2 of the Constitution states that the provisions of the Constitution should be given their fair and liberal meaning, that the Constitution should be read as a whole and should be treated as speaking from time to time.  Similarly, we cannot overlook the provisions of article 48 which requires that the interpretation shall be done in such a way so as not to be inconsistent with inter alia international obligations and that judicial notice of international instruments, constitutions of other democratic States, decisions of the courts of the States or nations in respect of their Constitutions.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The decisions of <em>Atkinson v Government of Seychelles</em> SCA 1 of 2007 and <em>Paul Chow v Gappy and ors</em> SCA of 2007support this view and are authorities for the proposition that constitutional provisions have to be interpreted in a purposeful manner.  It must be noted that the rules of interpretation of written constitutions differ from the interpretation of ordinary statutes.  There is general recognition that constitutions are the products of political bargains and arrangements for the government of a country and as such merit a general and liberal interpretation.  Hence the Privy Council in <em>Home Affairs v Fisher </em>[1980] AC 319 held that -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Written constitutions were a consequence of their purpose and aim, quite distinct from legislation and subsidiary legislation.  Accordingly they should have their own rules of interpretation especially in relation to fundamental rights.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">This principle was extended to all provisions of constitutions in general in another Privy Council case, that of <em>AG of Fiji v DPP</em> [1983] 2 AC 672 where it was held that -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The political nature of the constitution should be acknowledged.  They contain principles, norms and values amongst other things which relate to constantly changing social and cultural values rather than some eternal unchangeable meaning....</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Obviously these rules only apply when interpretation is necessary; If there is no ambiguity, no interpretation is required.  The obvious meaning has to be declared.  If interpretation is required, this has to be done in the context of the constitution as a whole. In this respect the Latin maxim <em>Nemo aliquam partem recte intelligere potest antequam totum perlegit </em>–No one can properly understand apart until he has read the whole - is relevant.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The most entrenched principle in our Constitution is that of democracy; all the provisions of the Constitution are suffused with the principles of the rule of law, democracy and equality.  The Preamble to the Constitution contains those principles together with the declaration that all citizens should be able to exercise their individual rights and freedoms with due regard to the rights and freedoms of others and the common interest.  It is my view that all this serves in the interpretation of any individual provision of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Preamble to the Constitution can also assist in the purpose of interpretation.  In <em>Re Remuneration of Judges</em>[1997] 3 SCR 3, the Supreme Court of Canada held that;</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">...the preamble is not only a key to construing the express provisions of the Constitution Act, 1867, but also invites the use of those organizing principles to fill out gaps in the express terms of the constitutional scheme.  It is the means by which the underlying logic of the Act can be given the force of law.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Dworkin in his seminal work <em>Law's Empire</em> (at 255) states the following in relation to interpretation of the American Constitution:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The effort of each judge should be to construct the best interpretation of equality of which he or she is capable.  The inquiry might turn to any number of texts, precedents, or historical events, as well as moral intuitions and principled arguments.  The best interpretation is that which achieves the greatest harmony among these diverse sources.  We distort this process if we conceive of it as an effort to put into place a local community's unique concept of equality, instead of the constitutional goal of equality that is a common aspiration of American life.  The same can be said of liberty, due process, and the other broad values of our constitutionalism.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Similarly Justice Breyer of the Supreme Court United States believes that judges must be concerned with purposes and consequences as well as plain meaning when interpreting the Constitution.  (See Stephen G Breyer <em>Active Liberty Interpreting Our Democratic Constitution</em> (2005).</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I am of the view that what would most serve the present circumstances is a functional approach that will see the provisions of the Constitution operate as a whole in a coherent and harmonious way.  I am also guided by the provisions of other constitutions of democracies.  I am further aware that constitutionalism in this day and age struggles to reconcile the rule of law with the rule of popular interests.  I am therefore minded to interpret the Constitution only in the light of the wider commitment to the principles of liberty, fraternity, equality, justice and due process as expressed in the Preamble.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I have also trawled through different constitutions and looked at different methods of computing the number of PR seats including First Past the Post, Run-offs (Alternative Vote and Instant Run Of Transferable Vote (Single, Hare-Clark, D’Hondt and Sainte Lague), PR largest remainder (Hare quota) and Parallel systems (such as the Seychelles system). What I can say with certainty is that the number of seats under each system is calculated in different ways but what is equally certain is that none of the systems outlined above take into account the number of spoilt votes in computing the number of directly elected or PR seats to assemblies.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The reason for this is self evident.  If one includes spoilt votes in such computations, one is interpreting the intention behind the spoilt votes.  What we can guess perhaps, in the present case is that a large number of persons in the elections of October spoilt their votes as a gesture of protest against what they saw as illegal elections taking place as a result of the purported illegal dissolution of the Assembly.  However, a number of people also spoilt their votes as they did not know how to validly cast their votes or inadvertently spoilt their votes as is evidenced by previous figures in other elections.  It is impossible to separate those "real" spoilt votes from the "intentional" spoilt votes; It is also impossible to say how any of these persons voted. To count the number of spoilt votes into total votes and ascribe to it the meaning of valid votes is to deliberately interpret the latent vote of a voter into a patent one.  This then makes meaningless the distinction between spoilt votes and valid votes.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">To ascribe the meaning of "total votes" to "votes cast" I must therefore be persuaded that such a perverse intention was indeed intended by the 1996 Amendment.  As I have pointed out above, deliberations in the Assembly do not elicit such a clear intention by those who proposed the amendment.  If we are to keep faith with the Constitution and with its underlying basic principles of democracy and the rules of interpretation outlined above I cannot infer such an intention in the amendment.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The assertion by the Electoral Commission that they have always used only "total votes" as opposed to "valid votes" in the computation for the number of proportionally elected members does indeed show the Commission's consistency but as has been pointed out by Justice Gaswaga in the Constitutional Court this, however, does not make it right.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Finally, it would also seem to me, that there is a very obvious point missed by all parties concerned.  This alone may have been enough to explain the reason for the different terms used in the original constitutional provision and the amendment.  Since the original (1993) provision contained a formula which had to distinguish between “votes cast” (termed “C”) and "valid votes" (termed "D) both expressions had to be used.  The new formula adopted in 1996 is one solely based on percentages and the term "votes cast" does not need to be distinguished from "valid votes" as it is not employed in the formula at all and hence can only bear the meaning of “valid votes”.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Why then may we ask was this computing error not spotted since the introduction of the formula in 1996?  The answer is simple.  A review of election results since 1996 shows the average number of spoilt votes in the National Assembly Elections (of 1998, 2002, and 2007) was 1189.  Thus the margin in the computation for PR would have been slight between the use of the number of "valid votes" and“votes cast."  The error becomes manifest in the 2011 elections because the number of spoilt votes was 16,647.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In the circumstances and for all the aforementioned reasons I hold that the term "votes cast" in Schedule 2 part 4 of the Constitution means, “valid votes cast" and cannot include the number of spoilt votes for the computation of proportional representative seats to the National Assembly of Seychelles.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I am satisfied that the declaration of the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent made through its Chairperson Hendrick Gappy has contravened article 78(b) of the Constitution and paragraph 2 of the Schedule 4 of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I am further satisfied that the said contravention has affected the rights and interests of the appellant.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I direct the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent to compute the number of PR seats based on “valid votes cast” where the term “votes cast” is used in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution.  For the avoidance of doubt this includes the computation of the number of proportionately representative members of both the Parti Lepep and the Popular Democratic Movement.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I make no order as to costs.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>MACGREGOR P:</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I have read the judgments of Justice Fernando and Justice Twomey and concur with them.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>FERNANDO J:</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">This is a appeal against the majority judgment of the Constitutional Court, namely the judgments of the Chief Justice Egonda Ntende and Gaswaga J, dismissing an application by the appellant to the Constitutional Court wherein he prayed:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">i.              To declare that the declaration of the 1st respondent, made through its Chairperson, Mr Hendrick Gappy has contravened article 78(b) of the Constitution along with paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution or alternatively paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution, and that the contravention has affected the interest of the Petitioner;</p> <p class="rtejustify">ii.             To issue a writ of mandatory injunction ordering the respondent to make fresh declaration and decision, regarding the number of proportionately elected members that may be nominated as per the results of the general elections, on the basis that votes cast, are votes validly cast;</p> <p class="rtejustify">iii.            Make any other order this Honourable Court considers appropriate</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I wish to state at the very outset that this case has been politicized to a very great extent in view of the political background of the Leader of the Popular Democratic Movement (PDM), the early dissolution of the National Assembly, the manner of its dissolution, the sudden emergence of the PDM in the political arena and the call by the Seychelles National Party, the New Democratic Party and other politicians to the people of Seychelles to stay away from voting at the last general election. None of these factors can change the Constitution or the electoral process set out therein.  In <em>Scott v Sandford</em> 19 How 393 (US), 15 L Ed 691, it was held that -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Constitutions do not change with the varying tides of public opinion and desire.  The will of the people therein recorded is the same inflexible law until changed by their own deliberative action, and therefore, the courts should never allow a change in public sentiment to influence them in giving a construction to a written Constitution not warranted by the intention of its founder.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I am guided by these sentiments expressed in arriving at a decision in this case.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A general election was held from 29 September 2011 to 1 October 2011, during which the petitioner and Parti Lepep nominated candidates in each of the 25 electorates. The results of the general election were announced in the early hours of 2 October 2011, by the 1st respondent, through its Chairperson Mr. Hendrick Gappy, pursuant to section 38(3)(a) of the Elections Act read with Schedule 4 of the Constitution, wherein the Chairperson declared that the petitioner was not entitled to nominate any proportionately elected member to the National Assembly as it had polled only 7.4% of the total votes (total votes cast 51592), including votes which had been rejected (Rejected votes 16447), whilst Parti Lepep which had polled 60.3% of the total votes was entitled to nominate 6 proportionately elected members.  It is this declaration which gave rise to the application that was made to the Constitutional Court.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The petitioner at paragraph 9 of his petition before the Constitutional Court in particularizing the contravention of the Constitution and of the manner its interest has been affected has averred:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(i)            In terms of paragraph 2 of schedule 4 of the constitution, read with Article 113 of the constitution along with the provisions of the Election Act, the term 'votes cast' mean valid votes cast, but not the total number of ballot papers cast;</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(ii)           When the total number of votes polled by the candidates of the Petitioner, namely 3828 votes is calculated in respect of the total valid votes in the general election, namely 35145 votes, the Petitioner clearly polled 10.89 percent of the votes cast and hence the Petitioner is entitled to nominate one proportionately elected member, of the National Assembly;</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(iii)         As a result of the declaration of the 1st Respondent as set out above at paragraph 8, the Petitioner has been deprived of its constitutional right to nominate a proportionately elected member of the National assembly and thus of the opportunity and right to participate in the National Assembly.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The appellant has filed the following grounds of appeal:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">i.              Egonda Ntende CJ and Gaswaga Jerred in law in holding that the Constitution is a complete code and is self-contained, and as such there is no necessity to refer to the Elections Act for the definition of the term "votes cast" as set out at paragraph 2 of the Fourth Schedule of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">ii.            Egonda Ntende C J and Gaswaga Jerred in law in holding that the provisions of the Elections Act do not apply in respect of the nomination of proportionately elected members of the National Assembly, but rather applies only to the election of the President and directly elected members of the National Assembly.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">iii.           Egonda Ntende C J and Gaswag Jerred in law in referring to the former provision of Schedule 4 of the Constitution, in that there was no necessity to do so in view that the term "votes cast" when considers in the light of the Election Act is unambiguous and clear.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">iv.           Egonda Ntende C J and Gaswaga Jerred in law in failing to attach sufficient weight to the fact that the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution (by Act 14 of 1996) changed the entire formula of Schedule 4 regarding the entitlement of political parties to nominate proportionately elected members, rather than a simple amendment of deletion of the word "valid" from the provision of the said Schedule.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">v.            Egonda Ntende C J and Gaswaga J erred in law in failing to attach sufficient weight to the object of the bill and to the deliberation of National Assembly of the 9th of July 1996, to the effect that the intention of the amendment was merely to reduce the maximum number of proportionately elected members from 11 to 10.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">vi.           Egonda Ntende C J and Gaswaga J erred in law in failing to attach sufficient weight to the fact that at the time of the Fourth amendment to the Constitution, the Election Act was in force since 1995 and the term "valid" in schedule 4 was mere surplusage in view of the provisions of the Election Act;</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">vii.          Egonda Ntende C.J. and Gaswaga Jerred on the facts in holding that in the past elections the Electoral Commissioner had always calculated the number of proportionately elected members a political party was entitled to nominate on the total votes cast.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The appellant has prayed for from this Court, the same relief as prayed for in his petition before the Constitutional Court and as set out at paragraph 1 above.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Both respondents admit the number of votes polled (3828) by the petitioner and the percentage of those votes vis-a.-vis in relation to the total votes cast (7.4%) and valid votes cast (10.89%) at the election. The dispute is only in relation to whether it is the total <em>votes </em>cast (51592) including votes which had been rejected (Rejected votes 16447) or the valid votes cast (35145) that has to be considered in relation to the determination of the number of proportionately elected members a political party may nominate.  This calls for an examination and interpretation of article 78 and paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution, bearing in mind that paragraph 8(b) of Schedule 2 of the Constitution requires that for the purposes of interpretation the Constitution shall be read as a whole. In <em>Old Wayne Assn v Mc-Donougb</em> 51 L Ed 345, <em>Downes v Bidwell</em> 182 US 244, 45 L Ed 1088, <em>Myers v United States</em>271 US 5271 LEd 60 it was held -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The Constitution must be considered as a whole, and so as to give effect, as far as possible, to all its provisions.It is an established canon of constitutional construction that not one provision of the Constitution is to be separated from all others, and considered alone, but that all the provisions bearing upon a particular subject are to be brought into view and to be so interpreted as to effectuate the great purposes of the instrument.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Article 78 of the Constitution states:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The National Assembly shall consist of -</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(a)        Such number of members directly elected in accordance with -</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:106.9pt;">(i)             this Constitution; and</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:70.9pt;">(ii)     subject to this Constitution, an Act, as is equal to the number of   electoral areas;</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:70.9pt;">(b)        not more than 10 members elected on the basis of the scheme of proportional representation specified in Schedule 4."</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 states:</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">A political party which has nominated one or more candidates in a general election and has polled in respect of the candidates in aggregate 10% or more of the votes cast at the election may nominate a proportionately elected member for each 10% of the votes polled.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In the Preamble to the Constitution, the people of Seychelles, considering that all powers of Government spring from the will of the people, have, in exercising their natural and inalienable right to a framework of government which shall secure for themselves and posterity the blessings of truth, liberty, fraternity, equality of opportunity, justice, peace, stability and prosperity, have solemnly declared their unswaying commitment, during the Third Republic, to develop a democratic system. The Preamble of the Constitution is part of the Constitution.  It is the basic structure of the Constitution and therefore serves as a key to understanding thereof. It derives source of power from 'We, the People of Seychelles'. The Preamble was enacted and adopted by the same procedure as the rest of the Constitution and expresses in a few words the philosophy of the Constitution. In the case of <em>Kesavananda Bharati v State of Kerala</em> (1973) AIR SC 1461 it was held that "the preamble of the Constitution was part of the Constitution." In <em>Charan Lal Sahu v Union of India </em>AIR 1990 SC 1480 and <em>J M Puthuparambil v Kerala Water Authority</em> (1990) AIR SC 2228 it was held that -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The recognition of the preamble as an integral part of the Constitution makes the preamble a valuable aid in the construction of the provisions of the Constitution because unlike the preamble to an Act, the preamble of the Constitution occupies the same position as other enacting words or provisions of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In order to translate the aspirations of the people of Seychelles into a reality the Constitution has,in article 24, enshrined and entrenched the right of every citizen of Seychelles who has attained the age of eighteen years to take part in the conduct of public affairs either directly or through freely chosen representatives and to be registered as a voter for the purpose of and to vote by secret ballot at public elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitution has provided in article 113 that:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">A citizen of Seychelles who is registered as voter in an electoral area, shall be entitled to vote in accordance with law, in the electoral area –</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">(a)  at an election of the office of the President;</p> <p class="rtejustify">(b)  at an election of the members of the National Assembly; or</p> <p class="rtejustify">(c)  in a referendum held under this Constitution,</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">unless disqualified to vote under the Constitution or the law.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitution has also placed an obligation in article 40 on every citizen of Seychelles to uphold and defend the Constitution and the law, to further the national interest; and generally, to strive towards the fulfilment of the aspirations contained in the Preamble of this Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">To develop a democratic system and to ensure that all powers of Government spring from the will of the people, the Constitution sets out a specified democratic process, namely participation in the electoral process through their freely chosen representatives. It sets out in detail at articles 78 and paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution, as referred to at paragraph 6 above, how the National Assembly must be composed.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The purpose of article 78 read in line with article 112(2) under which 25 electoral areas have been created, is to ensure that there is maximum representation in the National Assembly, namely 35 members, as far as possible, who shall be the freely chosen representatives of the citizens of Seychelles.  This is borne out by the words, "The National Assembly shall consist of”.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Article 1 of the Constitution states: "Seychelles is a sovereign democratic Republic."  In explaining the word 'democratic' which appears in the Constitution and which describes India as a 'Sovereign Socialist Secular Democratic Republic' it was held in the case of <em>R C Poudyal v Union of India</em>(1993) AIR SC 1804 -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">It is democratic because the Constitution ensures the creation and existence of the government at the will of the people through their participation in the formation of the government at regular intervals on the principle of universal adult franchise.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The above provisions make clear the type of representative democracy that is envisaged for the people of Seychelles by the Constitution and the people of Seychelles cannot therefore move out of this constitutional framework in expressing their will. To do so will amount to a breach of their fundamental duty to defend the Constitution and, to strive towards the fulfillment of the aspirations contained in the Preamble of this Constitution and make a mockery of articles 1, 24 and 113 of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Within this backdrop I wish to consider the question whether a Seychellois citizen's right to vote includes his right not to vote or spoil his vote? No doubt as a general proposition one's right to vote undoubtedly includes his right not to vote or spoil his vote but to equate that right to his constitutional right "to take part in the conduct of public affairs" or to treat that as an exercise of one's "individual rights and freedoms with due regard to the rights and freedoms of others and the common interest" or to equate that to his constitutional duty “touphold and defend the Constitution and the law; to further the national interest; and generally, to strive towards the fulfilment of the aspirations contained in the Preamble of this Constitution", namely to "develop a democratic system"; is farfetched. The rights set out in articles 24 and 113 taken in conjunction with the duties of a citizen as set out in article 40 of the Constitution place an obligation on a citizen to cast a valid vote at any election or referendum.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is inconceivable to think that the drafters of the Constitution expected of the citizens to stay away from voting, to spoil their votes deliberately or to vote incorrectly as a fundamental right and further more to give validity to such actions. Article 24(b) of the Constitution states that the right to vote may be regulated by a law necessary in a democratic society.  According to article 113 of the Constitution a citizen's right to vote shall be in accordance with law.  The law enacted making provision for any matter, not otherwise provided for in the Constitution, which is necessary or required to ensure a true, fair and effective election of members of the National Assembly is the Elections Act. Section 25 of the Elections Act specifies the procedure for voting.  According to section 25(1)(c) a person wishing to vote at the polling station shall record the vote in the manner explained in the notices referred to in section 21(1)(c) and by the Electoral Officer. Section 21(1) (c) states that "A polling station shall be furnished with notices both inside and outside the station, containing instructions relating to the voting to be followed at the election."  In view of the duty cast on a citizen under article 40(a) of the Constitution to uphold and defend the Constitution and the law, voting at an election to be valid, shall be in accordance with the procedure set out in section 25(l)(c). In the case of <em>Bappoo v Bhugaloo</em>  (1978) MR 105, it was said:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">While it is true that effect should be given to the intention of the voter if it can be so ascertained from the marking on the ballot paper, the voter must comply with certain discipline, at least such as is necessary to regulate the holding of an election according to the expressed requirement of the law.  The moment the voter adopts a method of voting which conflicts with the orderly arrangement of election, his licence to express his vote as he chooses ends ....</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Staying away from voting or spoiling one's vote is not the constitutional formula to show one's protest to the electoral process, although certainly a right of any citizen and a factor that certainly should not be ignored by any Government that comes into power. This is similar to one's right to freedom of thought and religion, freedom to hold opinions and freedom of peaceful assembly and association but to expect from the exercise of those rights, that others should conform to your views, would amount to belittling of the rights of others enshrined in the Constitution. Another way of looking at this would be to examine the right of access to Court of a person who has a grievance.  It is abundantly clear that such a person should conform to the time limits and the procedure set out for litigation, if he/she is to be entitled to a hearing. He/she loses his right on his failure to comply with the time limits and the procedure set out for litigation.  Therefore in determining the membership of the National Assembly whether 'directly elected' or 'proportionately elected' it is only the wishes of those who decided to cast their votes correctly in favour of a candidate as expected of all Seychellois citizens, that needs to be considered and not those who sought to deliberately spoil the vote or vote incorrectly.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">To determine otherwise will cause a further anomaly, namely there will be two different yardsticks to determine 'directly elected' and 'proportionately elected' members. That is 'directly elected' members would be determined on the basis of the valid votes cast and the 'proportionately elected' members would be determined on the basis of the total votes cast. I find it difficult to conceive that this is what was envisaged by the drafters of the Constitution.  Further to decide that 'proportionately elected' members are determined on the basis of the total votes cast, would amount to deprivation of the rights of those who cast valid votes at the election in having the maximum number of their freely chosen representatives in the National Assembly. This will amount to a violation of their enshrined and entrenched right under article 24(1)(a) of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">There is no legal provision either in the Constitution or in any other law by which to assume that a spoilt vote that is rejected has any status in determining the will of the people to develop a democratic system or to be counted in the determination of the number of proportionately elected members.  Undoubtedly the political realities of the times and the voices of the people, who decide to stay away from voting or deliberately spoil the vote, should have the consideration of anyone interested in the democratic process but to give effect to them in the selection of the members ofthe National Assembly, should be in accordance to the constitutional framework. One cannot ignore the fact that the two parties which contested the general election had received 67.7% of the total votes (both valid and rejected) cast, which indicates that a majority of those who voted exercised their right to vote with the intention of choosing their representatives to the National Assembly and to have maximum representation of their representatives in the National Assembly as envisaged by article 78 of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A democratic constitution cannot be interpreted in a narrow and pedantic (in the sense of strictly literal) sense. Constitutional provision is to be interpreted in the light of the basic structure of the Constitution.  The Constitution makes provision for an electoral process whereby every citizen may take part in the conduct of public affairs either directly or through freely chosen representatives.  Therefore any constitutional interpretation which subverts or goes against the democratic process is anti-constitutional. It was held in case of <em>Prof Manubhai D Shah v Life Insurance Corp</em> (1981) 22 Guj LR 206 and <em>Fatechand Himatalal v State of Maharashtra</em> (1977) MP LJ 261 (SC) that;</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">It is the basic and cardinal principle of interpretation of a democratic Constitution that it is interpreted to foster, develop and enrich democratic institutions.  To interpret a democratic Constitution so as to squeeze the democratic institutions of their life is to deny to the people or a section thereof the full benefit of the institutions which they have established for their benefit.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The function of a Constitution is to establish the framework and general principles of Government<em>, </em>and hence, merely technical rules of construction of statutes are not to be applied so as to defeat the principles of the government, or the objects of its establishment.  In <em>State of West Bengal V Anwar Ali Sakar</em> (1952) SCR 284 Bose J stated -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The true content of the words is not to be gathered by simply taking the words in one hand and a dictionary in the other, for the provisions of the Constitution are not mathematical formulae which have their essence in mere form.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In <em>HHMaharajadhiraja Mahadav Rao v Union of India</em> (1971) SCC 85 it was held;</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> It is the duty of the court to determine in what particular meaning and particular shade of meaning the word or expression was used by the constitution makers.  Moreover,in discharging that duty, the court will take into account the context in which it occurs, the object to serve which it was used, its collocation, the general incongruity with the concept or object it was intended to articulate and a host of other considerations. Above all, the court will avoid repugnancy with accepted norms of justice and reason.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In view of what has been stated above I have arrived at the following conclusions.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Ground (i) of the appeal has been based on the finding made by the Gaswaga J to the effect that -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">....... when interpreting the Constitution ...... especially a provision like Schedule 4 which is a code on its own, or if I may say, self-contained, ........ distinctly and exhaustively outlined one need not trouble themselves to go elsewhere. outside the Constitution to seek assistance or invoke provisions of an inferior legislation, even if they are enabling laws like the Elections Act, Cap 68A ........ where the superior law can stand and speak on its own on a given matter, such reinforcement would be irrelevant and of no consequence, if not, a total surplusage;</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">And the views expressed by the Chief Justice in similar terms. I have no difficulty in agreeing with the views expressed by the C J and Gaswaga J that Schedule 4 is a code on its own, self-contained distinctly and exhaustively outlined and that "one need not trouble themselves to go elsewhere, outside the Constitution to seek assistance"; but in difficulty to understand why the Justices, having said that, decided to go elsewhere, outside the Constitution to seek assistance by relying on paragraph 3 of Schedule 4 which was repealed by the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution, namely, Act No 14 of 1996, in order to interpret paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 as one presently find in the Constitution, which is the 3rd ground of appeal. The words "votes cast" in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 on a reading of the Constitution as a whole especially the provisions in the Preamble, articles 1, 24(1)(a), 40(a)(t), 78 and 113 are unambiguous and clear and one need not look into the repealed provision to understand its meaning. I am therefore of the view that although there was no necessity to refer to the Elections Act for the definition of the term "votes cast" as set out at paragraph 2 of the 4th Schedule of the Constitution, doing so will not in any way affect the meaning that can otherwise be attributed to them on a reading of the Constitution as a whole.  It would only support it.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Ground (ii) of appeal is based on Gaswaga J’s finding that "the Elections Act does not apply to proportionately elected members otherwise the Constitution would have expressly said so." According to him article 78(a) "outlines the law applicable to the process of directly elected members of the National assembly as the Constitution and the Act."  The C J had also expressed himself in similar terms when he said: "One need not go for assistance to another law dealing only with the election of the President and directly elected members of the National Assembly." In saying this, the Justices have ignored the provisios section 79(8) which states:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">A law may provide for any matter, not otherwise provided for in this Constitution, which is necessary or required to ensure a true, fair and <em>'effective election' of members of the National Assembly"</em>(Emphasis by me). </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">This in my view and as stated earlier is to ensure maximum representation as possible in the National Assembly.  I am of the <em>view </em>that the Elections Act applies, as the number of proportionately elected members is determined on the basis of the results of an effective general election, namely the aggregate number of votes polled by a political party that nominated candidates at the election. It is also worth noting that our Constitution makes reference to proportionately elected members rather than proportionately nominated members (emphasis is by me) as one finds in other constitutions and election laws. I therefore hold with the appellant on ground (ii).</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Grounds iii, iv and v of appeal are all based on the reliance of the Chief Justice and Gaswaga J on the provision of the Constitution that was repealed by the Fourth Amendment in interpreting the words 'votes cast' in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4. According to Gaswaga J the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Specifically omitted the words 'total valid votes cast' and instead replaced the said words with 'votes cast'.  The words must be carrying different meaning and their application to the electoral process obviously produces different results.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Chief Justice had also expressed himself in similar terms.  What is to be noted is that the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution not only decreased the total number of proportionately elected members from 11 to 10 and increased the percentage of the aggregate number of votes a political party had to poll before they could become entitled to nominate a proportionately elected member to the National Assembly from 8% to 10% but changed the entire formula as correctly stated by the appellant of the process of selecting proportionately elected members. Gaswaga J on a reading of the objects and reasons in the Bill pertaining to the 4th amendment as well as the Assembly's debate on the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution as reported in Hansard, has stated that they reveal the intention behind the amendment and appears to find support for his conclusion that the words 'votes cast' in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 mean the 'total votes cast' and not the 'valid votes cast'.  The "objects and reasons' in the Fourth Amendment Bill merely state -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">The Bill seeks to limit the number of proportionately elected members of the National Assembly to 10.  In this connection Schedule 4 is sought to be amended to provide that only a political party which has nominated one or more candidates in a general election and which has polled a total of not less than 10% of the votes at the election qualifies to nominate proportionately elected members to the Assembly.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">There is nothing in the said "objects and reasons' or in the Assembly's debate as reported in Hansard, that is helpful to interpret the words "votes cast at the election" in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution.  The general principle is that when an Act or clause therein is repealed it must be considered, except as to transactions past and closed, as if it had never existed.  The effect thereof is to obliterate the Act or the repealed provision completely from the record as if it had never been passed; it never existed except for the purpose of those actions which were commenced and concluded while it was an existing law.  Therefore the Chief Justice and Gaswaga J were in error in relying on the repealed provision of Schedule 4 to interpret the words 'votes cast' in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution and more so because there is nothing in the "objects and reasons' of the Amendment Bill or in the Assembly's debate as reported in Hansard which indicates that a change was been made to the meaning to be attributed to the words 'votes cast'.  I therefore hold with the appellant on grounds (iii), (iv) and (v).</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Ground (vi) of the appeal is to the effect that that at the time of the Fourth Amendment to the Constitution, the Elections Act was in force and the term "valid" in the repealed provision of Schedule 4 was mere surplusage in view of the provisions of the Elections Act and that the Chief Justice and Gaswaga I had failed to attach sufficient weight to that fact. I am of the view that the term 'valid' in relation to a votes cast at a presidential or National Assembly election or referendum has always been mere surplusage in view of our constitutional framework and does not become surplusage only in view of the provisions of the Elections Act.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Ground (vii) is misconceived as Gaswaga J did not err on the facts in stating what he did state. It is also clear that Gaswaga J I had not in any way been influenced in arriving at his decision based on the 1st respondent's interpretation of paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution for he had clearly stated:</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">Further, even if it had come to the notice of the Court at this point in time that in the previous elections the 1st Respondent had applied the said Constitutional provisions wrongly to the electoral process, that in itself would not have in any way affected the decision or outcome of this petition.  Two wrongs cannot make a right</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I am therefore of the view that there is no merit in ground (vii) of appeal.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I therefore on the basis of what is set out above, reverse the decisions of the Chief Justice and Gaswaga J and allow the appeal and declare that the declaration of the 1st respondent through its Chairperson Mr Hendrick Gappy made in the early hours of 2 October 2011 after the general election that was held from 29 September 2011 to 1 October 2011, that the petitioner was not entitled to nominate any proportionately elected member to the National Assembly has contravened paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I also issue a writ of mandamus ordering the 1st respondent to make a fresh determination and declaration regarding the number of proportionately elected members the two political parties that contested at the general election of 2011, may nominate on the basis that the term 'votes cast' referred to in paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 of the Constitution means only the 'valid votes cast’.</p></span></div></div> </div> </div> Thu, 04 Mar 2021 06:21:48 +0000 Anonymous 3387 at http://old2.seylii.org Christopher Gill v Registrar of Political Parties (SCA 19 of 2011) [2012] SCCA 20 (07 December 2012); http://old2.seylii.org/sc/judgment/court-appeal/2012/20 <span class="field field--name-title field--type-string field--label-hidden">Christopher Gill v Registrar of Political Parties (SCA 19 of 2011) [2012] SCCA 20 (07 December 2012);</span> <div class="field field--name-field-flynote field--type-entity-reference field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Flynote</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/127" hreflang="x-default">HR</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/128" hreflang="x-default">Democracy</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/129" hreflang="x-default">Participate in government</a></div> </div> </div> <span class="field field--name-uid field--type-entity-reference field--label-hidden"><span>Anonymous (not verified)</span></span> <span class="field field--name-created field--type-created field--label-hidden">Thu, 03/04/2021 - 06:21</span> <div class="field field--name-field-files field--type-file field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Download</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-pdf file--application-pdf"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scca/2012/20/2012-scca-20.pdf" type="application/pdf; length=254753">2012-scca-20.pdf</a></span> </div> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-vnd-openxmlformats-officedocument-wordprocessingml-document file--x-office-document"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scca/2012/20/2012-scca-20.docx" type="application/vnd.openxmlformats-officedocument.wordprocessingml.document; length=16645">2012-scca-20.docx</a></span> </div> </div> </div> <div class="clearfix text-formatted field field--name-body field--type-text-with-summary field--label-hidden field__item"><p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtecenter"><strong>Ruling</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><u>Twomey, JA</u></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify">1. This matter came before this court by way of appeal from a decision of learned Justice Karunakaran given in the Supreme Court on the 30<sup>th</sup> March 2011. The notice of appeal together with the grounds of appeal was filed on 13<sup>th</sup> May 2011. On 23<sup>rd</sup> May 2011 the Appellant was informed by the Clerk of the Court of Appeal that security for the costs of the appeal had been fixed at Seychelles Rupees 9,000. The security for costs was duly paid on the 7<sup>th</sup> of June 2011.</p> <p class="rtejustify">2. On the 10th of October 2012 the cause list for the November session of the Court of Appeal was published and duly served on Counsel for the Appellant. On the 8<sup>th</sup> November 2012Counsel for the Appellant wrote to the President of the Court of Appeal stating:</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">“I act for Mr. Gill the Appellant in the above case. My instructions are to withdraw the appeal as political events since the case was first heard has rendered the present appeal redundant.”</p> <p class="rtejustify">3. On the 12<sup>th</sup> November 2012 the Registrar of the Court of Appeal informed Counsel for the Appellant that she would have to comply with rule 22(2) of the Seychelles Court of Appeal Rules 2005.  Rule 22 (2) states:</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">“If all the parties to the appeal consent to the withdrawal of the appeal without an order of the Court, the appellant may file with the Registrar the document or documents signifying such consent and signed by the parties or by their advocates, and the appeal shall thereupon be deemed to have been withdrawn and shall be struck out of the list of appeals by the Registrar who shall thereupon inform the Registrar of the Supreme Court accordingly. In such event any sum lodged in the Registry of the Supreme Court as security of the costs of the appeal shall be paid out to the appellant.”</p> <p class="rtejustify">4. At roll call on Monday 26<sup>th</sup> November 2012 both Counsel appeared. Counsel for the Appellant indicated that the documentation in compliance with rule 22(2) had been filed the same day and that she would be moving to have the appeal withdrawn. The learned Attorney General stated that he had no objection to the withdrawal of the appeal but since he had prepared and filed skeleton heads of argument in respect of the appeal since the 23<sup>rd</sup> November 2012 he would be asking for costs. The matter was adjourned to the 26<sup>th</sup> November 2012 at 2.00 pm for hearing on withdrawal of the appeal and costs.</p> <p class="rtejustify">5. At the hearing, the learned Attorney General appeared in person for the Respondent but neither the Respondent nor his Counsel was present. The learned Attorney General moved for costs both on the basis that the Appellant was absent and also because that late withdrawal of the appeal had resulted in e time and expense of preparing and filing  skeleton heads of argument.  This motion was granted in open court, the Court reserving the right to render the same in writing.</p> <p class="rtejustify">6. Five minutes after the Court had risen, the Appellant’s Counsel informed the Court through the Registrar that she had been delayed at the Supreme Court and wanted to tender her apologies. The learned Attorney General was informed and the Court returned to sit and hear the apology. This was duly tendered and accepted. Counsel for the Appellant also moved to have the costs set aside on the basis that she had been unduly detained by a matter in the Supreme Court. This was opposed by the learned Attorney General.</p> <p class="rtejustify">7. We reiterate that the Seychelles Court of Appeal is the Court of superior jurisdiction in Seychelles and matters before it take precedence over matters before other courts. In any case the Court being functus officio cannot vacate the order for costs already granted and hence dismisses the application by counsel for the Appellant. The security for costs of the appeal is hence also forfeited pursuant to rules 22(2) and 22(4) of the Seychelles Court of appeal rules 2005.  </p> <p class="rtejustify">8. To summarise: The application for costs by the learned Attorney General on behalf of the Respondent is hereby granted; the motion by Counsel for the Respondent to set aside the order for costs is denied; security for costs of the appeal is forfeited.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">M. Twomey                        A. Fernando                                   J. Msoffe</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Victoria, Mahé, Seychelles this 7th day of December 2012.</p> </div> <div class="views-element-container"><div class="view view-eva view-download-conditional view-id-download_conditional view-display-id-entity_view_1 js-view-dom-id-2210341aeef677b81967cc6f5fd846f390328aecbc1dc68a304143d5248a61b1"> <div><div class="views-field views-field-views-conditional-field"><span class="field-content"><p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtecenter"><strong>Ruling</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><u>Twomey, JA</u></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify">1. This matter came before this court by way of appeal from a decision of learned Justice Karunakaran given in the Supreme Court on the 30<sup>th</sup> March 2011. The notice of appeal together with the grounds of appeal was filed on 13<sup>th</sup> May 2011. On 23<sup>rd</sup> May 2011 the Appellant was informed by the Clerk of the Court of Appeal that security for the costs of the appeal had been fixed at Seychelles Rupees 9,000. The security for costs was duly paid on the 7<sup>th</sup> of June 2011.</p> <p class="rtejustify">2. On the 10th of October 2012 the cause list for the November session of the Court of Appeal was published and duly served on Counsel for the Appellant. On the 8<sup>th</sup> November 2012Counsel for the Appellant wrote to the President of the Court of Appeal stating:</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">“I act for Mr. Gill the Appellant in the above case. My instructions are to withdraw the appeal as political events since the case was first heard has rendered the present appeal redundant.”</p> <p class="rtejustify">3. On the 12<sup>th</sup> November 2012 the Registrar of the Court of Appeal informed Counsel for the Appellant that she would have to comply with rule 22(2) of the Seychelles Court of Appeal Rules 2005.  Rule 22 (2) states:</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">“If all the parties to the appeal consent to the withdrawal of the appeal without an order of the Court, the appellant may file with the Registrar the document or documents signifying such consent and signed by the parties or by their advocates, and the appeal shall thereupon be deemed to have been withdrawn and shall be struck out of the list of appeals by the Registrar who shall thereupon inform the Registrar of the Supreme Court accordingly. In such event any sum lodged in the Registry of the Supreme Court as security of the costs of the appeal shall be paid out to the appellant.”</p> <p class="rtejustify">4. At roll call on Monday 26<sup>th</sup> November 2012 both Counsel appeared. Counsel for the Appellant indicated that the documentation in compliance with rule 22(2) had been filed the same day and that she would be moving to have the appeal withdrawn. The learned Attorney General stated that he had no objection to the withdrawal of the appeal but since he had prepared and filed skeleton heads of argument in respect of the appeal since the 23<sup>rd</sup> November 2012 he would be asking for costs. The matter was adjourned to the 26<sup>th</sup> November 2012 at 2.00 pm for hearing on withdrawal of the appeal and costs.</p> <p class="rtejustify">5. At the hearing, the learned Attorney General appeared in person for the Respondent but neither the Respondent nor his Counsel was present. The learned Attorney General moved for costs both on the basis that the Appellant was absent and also because that late withdrawal of the appeal had resulted in e time and expense of preparing and filing  skeleton heads of argument.  This motion was granted in open court, the Court reserving the right to render the same in writing.</p> <p class="rtejustify">6. Five minutes after the Court had risen, the Appellant’s Counsel informed the Court through the Registrar that she had been delayed at the Supreme Court and wanted to tender her apologies. The learned Attorney General was informed and the Court returned to sit and hear the apology. This was duly tendered and accepted. Counsel for the Appellant also moved to have the costs set aside on the basis that she had been unduly detained by a matter in the Supreme Court. This was opposed by the learned Attorney General.</p> <p class="rtejustify">7. We reiterate that the Seychelles Court of Appeal is the Court of superior jurisdiction in Seychelles and matters before it take precedence over matters before other courts. In any case the Court being functus officio cannot vacate the order for costs already granted and hence dismisses the application by counsel for the Appellant. The security for costs of the appeal is hence also forfeited pursuant to rules 22(2) and 22(4) of the Seychelles Court of appeal rules 2005.  </p> <p class="rtejustify">8. To summarise: The application for costs by the learned Attorney General on behalf of the Respondent is hereby granted; the motion by Counsel for the Respondent to set aside the order for costs is denied; security for costs of the appeal is forfeited.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">M. Twomey                        A. Fernando                                   J. Msoffe</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Victoria, Mahé, Seychelles this 7th day of December 2012.</p></span></div></div> </div> </div> Thu, 04 Mar 2021 06:21:33 +0000 Anonymous 3380 at http://old2.seylii.org Ramkalawan v Electoral Commission & Ors (SCA 1 of 2016) [2016] SCCA 17 (12 August 2016); http://old2.seylii.org/sc/judgment/court-appeal/2016/17 <span class="field field--name-title field--type-string field--label-hidden">Ramkalawan v Electoral Commission &amp; Ors (SCA 1 of 2016) [2016] SCCA 17 (12 August 2016);</span> <div class="field field--name-field-flynote field--type-entity-reference field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Flynote</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/127" hreflang="x-default">HR</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/128" hreflang="x-default">Democracy</a></div> </div> </div> <span class="field field--name-uid field--type-entity-reference field--label-hidden"><span>Anonymous (not verified)</span></span> <span class="field field--name-created field--type-created field--label-hidden">Thu, 03/04/2021 - 06:04</span> <div class="field field--name-field-files field--type-file field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Download</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-pdf file--application-pdf"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scca/2016/17/2016-scca-17.pdf" type="application/pdf; length=6909604">2016-scca-17.pdf</a></span> </div> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-vnd-openxmlformats-officedocument-wordprocessingml-document file--x-office-document"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scca/2016/17/2016-scca-17.docx" type="application/vnd.openxmlformats-officedocument.wordprocessingml.document; length=74373">2016-scca-17.docx</a></span> </div> </div> </div> <div class="clearfix text-formatted field field--name-body field--type-text-with-summary field--label-hidden field__item"><p> </p> <div> <p><strong>JUDGMENT</strong></p> <p> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>S. Domah (J.A)</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On 3, 4 and 5 December 2015, Seychelles held its first round in its latest quinquennial election for the choice of its ensuing President. As per the Constitution, if any from the number of the candidates secured more than 50% of the votes, he is declared elected, failing which the process goes through a second ballot between the best two. As it happened at the end of the 3-day process, no candidate reached that ceiling. The country was then set for a second round on 16, 17 and 18 December 2015. It was the first time it had happened in the history of Seychelles. The two contestants were Respondent No. 2, Mr James Alix Michel, the President in post; and the Appellant, Mr Wavel John Charles Ramkalawon, the Opposition Leader. It was a notoriously close contest and the whole country waited with bated breaths for the announcement of the results which came out late in the night of 18 December. The Appellant, the Opposition leader had missed it by a narrow margin of 193 votes.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Unhappy with the outcome, Appellant filed a petition against the Electoral Commission, the elected President and the Attorney-General before the Constitutional Court.  In his view, rightly or wrongly, he would have carried the day but for the electoral malpractices.   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">He averred eleven (11) acts of illegal practice. The Respondents denied all the allegations and Respondent no. 2 went an extra mile. He averred in his defence that it was the appellant, then petitioner, who has been guilty of illegal practice within the meaning of section 51(3)(b) of the Election Act. At the end of a long hearing spanning over a couple of weeks and comprising a host of witnesses, a heap of documents and over 1,500 pages of transcript,  the Court comprising Chief Justice M. Twomey, C. McKee J. and D. Akiiki-Kiiza J.  delivered a judgment of 131 pages.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">They  found: <ol> <li> the acts of illegal practice not proved against the elected President;</li> <li>a number of others mentioned in the case needed to be summoned and were summoned to answer allegations of illegal practice;</li> <li>the allegation made by Respondent No. 2 proved against the Appellant on the facts and his own statement.  </li> </ol> </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Section 47(1) of the Elections Act provides that, at the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Constitutional Court shall report in writing to the Electoral Commissioner its finding under section 51(3)(b), the end result of which is that he is disqualified from voting for a period of 5 years. The Court stayed the order of reporting the Appellant on his application pending the determination of the appellate Court.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This Appeal against the decision of the Constitutional Court canvasses the following grounds:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act without:</p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Any party to the petition having prayed for any relief in respect of the alleged illegal practice;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Warning the Petitioner that he risked being penalised for having committed an illegal practice and giving him an opportunity of being heard thereon otherwise than to counter a mere allegation raised;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Considering the evidence supporting the alleged illegal practice in detail and assessing that evidence in the light of the requirements of section 51(3) (b).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 2</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act in that it failed to appreciate that the Newsletter had not contained any stipulation as to vote, had not made any definite promise to any voter, had not been specific as to a voter, and had not offered to procure any office in exchange for a vote.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 3</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in deciding to report that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice without first:</p> <p class="rtejustify">(a) Considering, and giving the Appellant an opportunity of explaining, whether the act or omission constituting the alleged illegal practice had been done or made in good faith or through inadvertence or other reasonable cause, or</p> <p class="rtejustify">(b) Considering whether, taking into account all the relevant circumstances, and after having heard the Appellant in that regards, it would be just that the alleged illegal practice should be an exception under the Elections Act and that the Appellant should not be subject to the consequences arising from the commission of the alleged illegal practice.</p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In this appeal, we are concerned only with the above grounds. The case has other ramifications with which we are not at present concerned. Miscellaneous Proceedings are on-going.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Evidence and Proceedings</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The finding of illegal practice against the appellant was based on a leaflet and Appellant’s response to the questions on its content. It has not been challenged that the leaflet emanated from him. Drawn up by him in the English language, it was translated in Tamil language and circulated to the Tamil community. Dated 9<sup>th</sup> of December 2015, its proximity of the date to the second round carries some significance. In that open letter issued to the Tamil community, he had spoken about his identical origin and his close ties with the community before making certain promises: inter alia, making Deepavali a national holiday and appointing “those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins (in) suitably placed positions in (his) cabinet” and the public service. </li> <li class="rtejustify">Evidence had been adduced by Mr. Rajasundaram, himself a Tamil and  knowledgeable with the Tamil language and the Tamil Community. His reading of the letter was at first that it was like a manifesto. However, under cross examination by the Attorney General who read section 51 (3)(b) of the Act to him, Mr. Rajasundaram agreed that there was an apparent breach of the section in the inducement offered to the Tamil Community to vote for him and in return for favours.  We have to straightaway state that a witness’s opinion as to whether an activity falls foul of the law is neither here nor there. This was a matter of law for the trial Court at the time and for this Court on the present appeal.   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Mr. Georges – evidently focusing on his defence that section 51(3)(b) referred to “a voter” and not a community of electors as such - questioned the witness on the Tamil community. The witness answered that the targeted readership was not a particular voter but a particular community. Further, he agreed that this was not a case where any specific person had been promised a post as a Minister in Cabinet or Principal Secretary in the public service. The letter was not personalized. It was agreed that there was no signature on the letter. Mr. Rajasundaram stated that he himself had received the letter between the first and second round of elections despite the letter being dated 9<sup>th</sup>December 2015.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Mr Ramkalawan’s Answers </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Appellant admitted to having drafted the letter in English for the purpose of its translation and circulation to the Tamil community. It contained statements such as: <em>“</em><em>Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet, Principal Secretaries…. The above are not just words or just decorations, I request all of you to support me and other parties to join me and I humbly request you to do so.  You should also be instrumental for this country to have a good room flourishing like a flower.  Support Ramkalawan and make him victorious.” </em>These were amongst other benefits to the Tamil community if they were to support him and the parties representing him in the election. </li> <li class="rtejustify">Mr. Ramkalawan’s answer to the content of the leaflet has been that it was simply politicking and that all elections are about promises.  His position may be gauged by the following answers he gave: <em>“Well I was not offering anything in particular to the Tamil or people of Indian origin, what I was basically saying is if there are people of Tamil and Indian origin who are eligible and who are suitable qualified they could very well just like anybody else be part of government.”</em>  He added: <em>“it was also very important for me to write to the Tamil community because there had been this notion that Ramkalawan and the SNP were xenophobes and that they hated foreigners, and given that the Tamil community is a big community that votes I thought it was my duty as a Politician campaigning to also seek their vote.” </em>When asked whether this letter was intended to induce voters to vote for him, his answer was: <em>“My Lords, election is about promises, so if I make a promise to the Tamil community is it not the same as making a promise to the elderly?  Is it not the same as making a promise to young people?  Is it not the same as making other promises?  This is what elections are all about.  And when politicians stand up and say I promise that I will do this that and the other, I do not see the difference between that and what is in the letter.</em>”</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">That made Mr. Hoareau appearing for Respondent No. 2 probe Mr. Ramkalawan further:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“Q:       So you agree with me that you were inducing these people to vote for you on the promise of offering ministerial posts and principal secretarial post in your government to members of their community?</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>A:         So what?  I mean this is my answer my Lords. “</em></p> <p class="rtejustify">Our task in this appeal is to see whether he is correct in holding that view and giving that answer.</p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>THE LAW </strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Before we move to the heart of the matter, it behoves us to clear some air with respect to the law itself. This is the first time a petition of such magnitude has been brought under the Election Act 1996.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Nature of the Proceedings Before the Constitutional Court</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The questioned  areas touch some basic principles applicable. They related to the nature of the proceedings, the onus and the standard of proof, the categorization of the various sections, whether under the criminal law or the civil law etc. Some of the words used in the text of the law throw some doubts as to whether the hearing was a civil action or a criminal action or somewhere in between. Some phrases in the Elections Act are connotative of criminal action rather than civil action. For example, section 47(1)(b) uses the word<em>: “guilty of an illegal practice”</em> and other sections use the word <em>“trial</em>.” The terms used in civil actions are <em>“an illegal practice stands proved</em>” or “<em>hearing</em>” instead of <em>“trial</em>.” Not only practitioners want to be certain about it but also the citizens who are the users. The problem this duality creates becomes evident at the time of the applicability or otherwise of: (a) the right of silence; (b) the right against self-incrimination; (c) the quantum of proof which is proof beyond reasonable doubt in a criminal trial and proof on a balance of probabilities in a civil action.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court heard the case as a civil case all through and applied  the civil standard of proof. Section 45(1) makes it abundantly clear that the trial of an election petition shall be held in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original civil jurisdiction.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">These issues have vexed not only Seychelles. They have necessitated the  authoritative pronouncement of the courts in other jurisdictions equally: Australia, Canada, India, United Kingdom, United States, Mauritius etc. Be that as it may, the law has to be certain especially one that touches each and every individual for the exercise of his or her right to vote. Candidates, voters, public authorities, practitioners need to know the scope and the limits of the various provisions and how they relate to one another in terms of application and interpretations.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Our analysis, however, shows that the confusion does not lie in the text of the Elections Act but in our own minds. The Act creates two possible actions in actual fact: one is the civil action by way of petition and the other is a criminal action by way of a formal charge. There is no mystery in how a civil action may cohabit with a criminal action and how they relate to each other in a legislation – whether one after the other or independently of each other or in parallel. In the Canadian system, the Federal Court of Canada was called upon to clarify the position in a case as recent as 2013. In <strong>McEwing v. Canada (Attorney General) 2013 FC 525 (CanLII), </strong>the Court examined the Canadian Election Act 2000 and stated as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“Prior to the enactment of the 2000 Act, procedures to overturn election results were governed by … the Dominion Controverted Elections Act, a 19<sup>th</sup> century Statute. …. (The) legislative regime … were considered to be cumbersome, costly and time-consuming and were for those reasons, rarely employed. The two jurisdictions, civil and criminal, were therefore treated separately  in the 2000 Act.” </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Co-existence of civil and criminal actions </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">A careful reading of the Seychelles Elections Act 1996 shows a comparable history and outcome. In the Canadian system, the criminal régime in section 19 is more easily demarcated from the civil régime in section 20 of the Elections Act 2000. In our Elections Act, the civil is found in sections 44-45 and the criminal in sections 51-53. However, the same acts and doings generate both a criminal and a civil action. Where the acts and doings are proved on a balance of probabilities, they lead to non-criminal sanctions such as rights suspension, de-registration etc. In Seychelles, it is removal of name from the Electoral Register for a period of 5 years, which in effect in a quinquennial legislature is for one or two elections only. The same acts and doings, if proved beyond reasonable doubt, in criminal proceedings will lead to criminal sanctions: 3 years imprisonment and SR20,000 fine. In certain cases, the maximum penalty is SR1,000,000. This explains the rationale for not creating a new and third quantum of proof in this area.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The mental element in civil and criminal electoral actions</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This takes us to the issue of mental element applicable in the two actions. This issue becomes relevant to us in relation to the application of section 45. The state of mind in a civil action is <em>in abstracto</em>: the standard of a reasonable man (English law) or “la conduite d’un bon père de famille” (French Law). Criminal liability is assessed <em>in concreto</em>: whether this particular defendant had the <em>mens rea </em>required for the offence charged. Thus, while the standard in the mental element of fraud in criminal election action would be subjective, in a civil election action that would be objective, mitigated to a mere level of recklessness or carelessness, even if in either case <em>“the intention is doing that thing which the Statute intended to forbid.” See </em> <strong>Norfolk, Northern Division, Case [1869)] 1 O’M &amp; H 236]; Wrzesnewskyj v Canada (Attorney-General) 2012 ONSC 2873 (CANLII). </strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In <strong>Bielli v Canada (Attorney-General 2012 FC 916 (CANLII)</strong>, the mental element in a criminal case is compared to that in a civil case where “<em>it is not a determination based on the subjective or individual perception or experience, but what is reasonable to conclude regarding what a person ought to have known in the circumstances.”</em>  It is a question of fact whether the person knew or should have known: <strong>McEwing v. Canada (supra)</strong>.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Further, in the case of <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [2015] EWHC 1215 (Comm), at para. 56, </strong>the High Court decided that <em>“knowledge of what they (the respondents) are doing does not need to be proved against a candidate for him to be fixed with their actions.” </em>That admittedly is a hard fact but objective liability is part and parcel of civil law which is concerned with a community rights and obligations: see <strong>Great Yarmouth Borough Case, White v Fell (1906) 5 O’M &amp; H 176. </strong>The reason thereof may lie in the fact that it is rare that members of the public engage in DIY corrupt practice in election time. Their activity invariably revolves round the candidate they support. It is always open to the candidate to come up and rebut his involvement in the conduct of the undesirable elements in his entourage.    </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We are concerned in the present case with a civil application of the law of illegal practice but not the criminal application of the law of illegal practice.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the case of <strong>Pellerin v Thérien [1997] RJQ 816 CA,</strong> the appellant challenged the constitutionality of section 465 on the ground that the sanction was suspension of his political right to vote, which was as good as a penal sanction. Yet the quantum of proof the law provided for was on a balance of probabilities. The Court of Appeal dismissed the argument holding that the two aspects of control over elections are distinct and require different substantive principles and rules of evidence. In the case of <strong>FH v MacDougall 2008 SCC 53 (CANLII),</strong> at para. 40, the Court stated that: <em>“Absent a statutory direction to the contrary, the burden of proof never shifts to the respondent party and the quantum of remains that of the balance of probabilities.”</em> The same view has been taken in the case of <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [supra] </strong>which puts it curtly: <em>“In general terms, an election court is a civil court not a criminal court.” </em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It would be otherwise where the case was conducted on the basis of a criminal charge for election offences of corrupt or illegal practice at which time the criminal standard of proof will apply. This was definitely decided by the Court of Appeal in England, which we make our own, in the case of  <strong>R v Rowe ex parte Mainwaring [1992] 1WLR 1059.</strong>   The civil standard of proof which is balance of probabilities for the hearing of an election petition has been confirmed in the case of <strong>A.K. Jugnauth v Ringadoo</strong> <strong>[2007 SCJ 80]</strong> <strong>[supra]</strong> by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [2008 UKPC 50]</strong> insofar as it concerns the trial of an election petition as opposed to the trial of a defendant who stands charged criminally with election offences.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Adversarial Action with Inquisitorial dimension </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Accordingly, there should be no confusion in our minds about the nature of the action, the onus of proof and the standard of proof. We are in the area of civil proceedings, if with a statutorily added inquisitorial dimension. But not for its inquisitorial character do the nature of the action and proceedings and the onus and the quantum of proof change. Where the action starts by a citizen against another citizen by way of petition, the action is a civil action and will be governed by all the rules of the civil procedure. Where the action starts by the State against a citizen based on the offence, the action is a criminal action and will be governed by all the rules obtaining under the criminal procedure. As for the word <em>“guilty”</em> used in penal proceedings, it is not a monopoly of criminal law. It is of usage in civil law equally, more often seen in disciplinary proceedings: (<strong>see West’s Encyclopedia of American Law, 2<sup>nd</sup> ed. 2008.)</strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>ELECTION AND DEMOCRACY</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">At the same time, the high seriousness of this civil process should be in the forefront in the mind of everyone involved. An election for the choice of our legislature or the Head of State goes to the very root of our democratic system of government. In <strong>Indira Nehru Gandhi v. Raj Narain [1976] (2) SCR 347</strong> (AIR 1975 SC 2299), the Court held:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em> “Democracy is a basic feature of the Constitution. Election conducted at regular, prescribed intervals is essential to the democratic system envisaged in the Constitution. So is the need to protect and sustain the purity of the electoral process.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT SITTING AS AN ELECTION COURT</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Our laws have entrusted the task of protecting and sustaining the purity of the electoral process upon the Judiciary through a Constitutional Court sitting as the Election Court with at least two judges. The paramount role of this Court in the context of Seychelles calls for profound reflection on the high responsibility reposed upon it.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In to-day’s political world, evidence abounds that the strength of a democracy is only as good as the credibility of its elections. Elections make or break democracies. They make them where they are free, fair and credible. They break them where they are just a façade. In the <strong>IDCR: Briefing Paper Electoral Corruption</strong>. Sarah Birch, this is what has been stated:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“In the modern world, electoral corruption is one of the major obstacles to democratisation; it is also a significant problem in many established democracies.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify">           </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We are going through a period of time in world history where even the established democracies seem not safe enough in the many ways elections may be rigged. Mischief makers have adopted new ways of corrupting the electoral process. In a recent election in Canada, a misleading message was sent over the internet in the name of the authorities to the voters of a particular area with a known allegiance to one of the parties. The message directed them to a place where it was not possible for them to vote. Electoral corrupt practice has taken other subtle and sophisticated forms as is evident in the case of <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [supra] </strong>better known as the Tower Hamlets case. This has emphasized the role of the election courts to exercise greater vigilance over the manner in which democracies are being corrupted.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Election Court is a Unique Court</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is sometimes not so obvious that an Election Court has special characteristics. As was stated in the Tower Hamlets case:  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“An election court is, in some ways, a unique tribunal. Election petitions are presented and pursued in very similar manner to claims made in the civil courts and, procedurally, the basic rules to be applied are those of the Civil Procedure Rules (“CPR”). Accordingly, election proceedings have an adversarial character. Nevertheless, election petitions differ in a number of ways from civil actions.”   </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">One of the special characteristics is that it is vested with at once an adversarial character as well as an inquisitorial character: see para. 40 of  <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [supra]. </strong>A like competence is vested with the Constitutional Court sitting as an Election Court. The Elections Act vests it with powers under section 45(2) whereby the court may not stay content with only the dispute between the parties but need to go further. It may order <em>proprio motu</em> and compel any person concerned with the election to attend as a witness to depose. The trial is not only the trial of the persons directly before court but it is one of the election itself. That is apparent by the wording of section 45(2).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Section 45 (2): Election Court’s Inquisitorial Role</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Section 45 (2) reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">           </p> <p class="rtejustify">            <em>“45(2) The Constitutional Court may— </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        by an order, compel any person who appears to the Court to be concerned in the election to attend as a witness at the trial; and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        examine a witness referred to in paragraph (a) or any person in Court, although the person has not been called as a witness.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) A witness or a person referred to in (3) subsection (2) may be examined or cross examined, as the case may be, by the petitioner, respondent and Attorney-General or his representative, if present at the trial.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">All this simply highlights the role the Judiciary plays and should play in ensuring that the integrity of the electoral process is not corroded in any way whatsoever. Its primordial responsibility is to jealously guard the legacy of a democratic system of government and ensuring its continuous consolidation under the rule of law.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Mindfulness of nation’s fragility</p> <p class="rtejustify">   </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Judiciary, however, has its institutional limits. It may only enter the scene <em>ex post facto, </em>for diagnosis and cure. By that time, it may well be too late. Our fragile democracies would be better served if everyone played by the rules. On and off, it would help each citizen to refer to our Constitution along with our prayer books. It is a place where we have reposed our own fate as an individual and as a nation. We have to be:  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>“</em></strong><em>EVER MINDFUL of <u>the uniqueness and fragility of Seychelles</u>;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>CONSCIOUS of our colonial history before becoming an Independent Republic;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>AWARE and PROUD that as descendants of different races we have learnt to live together as one Nation under God and can serve as an example for a harmonious multi-racial society ....</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>It shall be the duty of every citizen of Seychelles-</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a) to <u>uphold and defend this Constitution and the law</u>; ... and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify">                   <em>(f) generally, to strive towards the fulfillment of the aspirations contained in the Preamble of this Constitution.”</em></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">With the above essential preliminaries, we come to the Grounds of Appeal.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Ground 1, challenges the decision of the Constitutional Court in its finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act without:</li> </ol> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Any party to the petition having prayed for any relief in respect to the alleged illegal practice;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Warning the Petitioner that he risked being penalized for having committed an illegal practice and giving him an opportunity of being heard thereon otherwise than to counter a mere allegation raised;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Considering the evidence supporting the alleged illegal practice in details and assessing that evidence in the light of the requirements of section 51(3) (b).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We shall take the Grounds in the order in which they have been raised.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1(a)</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On Ground 1 (a), the question is whether the mere fact that the 2<sup>nd</sup> respondent had only stated that there was corrupt practice by the Appellant, without praying the Court for a relief, the Court should have at all made an order which was to all intent and purposes outside the four corners of the pleadings. Mr Bernard Georges for the Appellant submitted that Respondent No. 2 had never intended the ultimate consequence of de-registration of the Appellant when he had put in his defence. His complaint was a shield and not a sword.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Limits and Scope of Pleadings in an Election Case</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We would have happily granted learned counsel that argument had we been in an ordinary civil case between private parties before any other Court: see <strong>Gill v Gill SCA 4/2004</strong>. But here the parties were neither in an ordinary case nor before an ordinary court. A court entrusted to hear an election petition is a unique court in many respects as has been outlined above, both adversarial and inquisitorial. We have dwelled on that aspect sufficiently above to rehash it here.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">What is more, section 45(1) does not stay content with stating that the trial of an election petition shall be held in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original jurisdiction.  It subjects the civil proceedings to the imperatives of the Act. Section 45(1) is stated to be <u>subject to this Act (underlining ours.</u>) Now, when we read section 45(2), we note that once a petition is lodged, the Court is seized with a wider jurisdiction than just an examination of the issues before the two parties. The trial by that very fact becomes the trial of an election. Section 45(2) enables the Court to go beyond the parameters of the adversarial hearing and don an inquisitorial role. It may order and compel the attendance and the examination of witnesses who are not originally in the case but are concerned. We are not basically limited by the pleadings as would be the case in an ordinary civil action between private parties.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In a 19<sup>th</sup> century case dealing with a like issue as the present one whether a petitioner could be questioned on his own wrong-doing in his own petition, the court held: <em>“Except where there are recriminatory charges against the unsuccessful candidate, or for the purpose of declaring petitioner’s vote void on scrutiny, the conduct of the petitioner at an election cannot be inquired into, and in this case there is no distinction between a candidate-petitioner and a voter-petitioner”</em>: <strong>Re Dufferin Case (1879) HEC 529. 4 AR 420 (CAN) cited in The Digest of Annotated British Commonwealth and European Cases Vo. 20, Elections, para. 1727.</strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">However, that decision did not survive for long. In the early 20<sup>th</sup> century, the overriding need to maintain the pure stream of an election process  uncorrupted came to the fore and the Courts moved away from that jurisprudence as from the case of <strong>Maidstone Case, Cornalis v Barker (1901) 5 O’M&amp;H 149, cited in The Digest (ibid.), para. 1727</strong>.</li> <li class="rtejustify">In the Seychelles’ Elections Act, like in many other up-dated elections laws, this long arm of the law is evident. Section 45(2) reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“45(2) The Constitutional Court may— </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        by an order, compel any person who appears to the Court to be concerned in the election to attend as a witness at the trial; and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        examine a witness referred to in paragraph (a) or any person in Court, although the person has not been called as a witness.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) A witness or a person referred to in (3) subsection (2) may be examined or cross examined, as the case may be, by the petitioner, respondent and Attorney-General or his representative, if present at the trial.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Attorney-General has referred to the case of <strong>Moses Masika Wetangula v Musikari Nazi Kombo and William Kinyani Onyango IEBC [2013] eKLR</strong> in support. The Court did refer to these cases in its judgment at paragraph 111. That should provide the answer to this part of the Appeal. There is no merit in Ground 1((a).  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1(b)</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On Ground 1 (b), the question is whether it was the duty of the Court to warn the appellant that he risked being penalized for having committed an illegal practice. That would have given him an opportunity to answer or not to answer the allegation or to give a proper explanation.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is the argument of the Respondents that the appellant was represented by counsel of some standing so that the need was not felt. To our mind, the right against self-incrimination exists no matter whether it is a civil case, a criminal case or an enquiry. That right is attached to the person and goes with the person. It does not matter where he is: whether at the police station, in his home, in a public place, in the witness box, in a criminal case or a civil case.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Was there a duty to warn appellant?</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The wording of Article 19 (1) (g) should be borne in mind, however: <em>“A person shall not be  compelled to testify at the trial or confess guilt.”</em> On the facts, it is patently clear that the Appellant was not compelled to say whatever he had to say in his defence, in the particular circumstances of this case. There arose no duty either on his counsel or the Court to enter into the arena. On the facts, the averment against him was not a matter that had occurred out of the blue. It had been on the cards since the beginning of the case. He had all the time available to consider his position. There is no indication that he was taken by surprise in any way as learned counsel for the Respondents put it. If with the opportunity given to him, he did not apprise himself of the law, he is deemed to know the law. Eventually, he preferred to meet the allegation with his explanation.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On the other aspect of this ground as to whether the explanation was acceptable and should have been accepted by the Court, we shall address it along with Ground 1 (c).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1(c)</strong> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The grievance of Mr Bernard Georges under  Ground 1 (c) is that the Constitutional Court did not properly examine whether the facts constituted illegal practice. The examination is extremely cursory in the judgment, according to him, in its finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice by publishing and distributing leaflets in the Tamil language to voters from the Tamil Community in Seychelles promising them senior posts in his government, thereby inducing them to vote for him or refrain from voting for the elected President contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Election Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The operative part of the judgment of the Constitutional Court on the question <em>in quo </em>reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                        <em>“While it is not averred that the acts of the Petitioner affected the results of the elections in any way, it is clear that his acts satisfy the provisions of section 51(3)(b) to constitute illegal practices. Even if he was not intending to contravene the law, we view such acts especially by the leader of a political party to be reprehensible and irresponsible. We were particularly dismayed by his non chalance and levity when challenged with the evidence which he admitted. We are obliged to make a report on this matter to the Electoral Commission in terms of striking his name off the register of electors.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">              <strong><em>Court’s examination of the evidence</em></strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The judgment does not give ample details of the examination of the content of the leaflet in what way it constituted an illegal practice. But the language used by the court and the record of the proceedings do show that the court had properly ascertained that the acts constituted an illegal practice within the definition of section 51(3)(b).  The leaflet even if in Tamil was translated in English and cross-examined upon. The content was admitted by the Appellant. The only criticism that can be made of the judgment is that it could have been more elaborate.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This is an exercise we shall carry out deriving our powers under rule 31(3) of the Rules of the Court of Appeal. At the same time, we shall see whether the Court reached the right decision on the facts available on record since it is all a matter of examining a leaflet in the light of the answers given by the Appellant. This will also help us to help users of this law to demarcate the line between the lawful and the unlawful. When are promises made in an electoral campaign lawful? And when are they unlawful?</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We shall look at three cases from three jurisdictions.  The first is <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [2007 SCJ 80]</strong> which was confirmed on appeal by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in <strong>Jugnauth v Ringadoo [2008 UKPC 50]. </strong>One of the allegations was the offer made by an elected member to the Muslim Community for the extension of their cemetery. The second is the case of <strong>Erlam &amp; Ors v Rahman &amp; Ors [supra], </strong>the Tower Hamlets case, in England. This had to do with the issue of an elected Mayor, a Bangla Deshi, canvassing for support from the Bangla Deshi community. We shall then compare them with the Indian case of <strong>Subramaniam Balaji v Government of Tamil Nadu &amp; Others Civil Appeal No. 5130 of 2013]</strong> where two competing parties made competing promises of gifts in cash and kind, including household items to certain classes of people. This will enable us to consider the present case where the Appellant issued a leaflet comprising promises to the Tamil Community for positions and posts in his proposed government.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The impugned leaflet</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The leaflet reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                        <em>“Beloved Tamil hearts you are more than my life and I, Ramkalawan who likes you all write this note to you.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        There is a strong rumour that I will send all Tamil people out of this country and it is a wrong message and I completely deny as rumour.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My grandfather hailed from the State of Uttara Pradesh in India who migrated and settled in Seychelles.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        While I was a religious preacher and as an Opposition Leader I have participated in all wedding ceremonies, birthday functions and funerals of all Tamil origin and I participated with my full heart; I prayed God with my full hearty and Blessed all.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        I merge myself and live together with Indians and Tamils. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        If all of you join together and make me as President, I shall declare Deepavali as Government holiday. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        To flourish all trades of the trading community, my government shall do the necessary and I rule accordingly. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        All suitable consultations shall be made and resolve those stumbling blocks amongst small traders.   </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My Government shall find a solution to VAT very soon.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        Those of you brothers who are afraid of this party in power since last 38 years need to join together now and support my arm; I will be one amongst you when I rule this country.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        If I come to power, suitable tax concession arrangements shall be made for those people whose income remain less than Rupees 10,000.00.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        Laws of GOP and Immigration will be simplified.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My government shall ensure that Seychelles Rupees is not devalued. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My Government shall take suitable and necessary steps to develop the religions, language and race of all Indians and Tamils.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        A time slot will be allocated to Tamils in Television and Radio (video and audio).</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        While recognizing those long serving Indians and Tamils in Government service, I shall streamline the Ministry of Health and Ministry of Education;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        If we come to power, our government shall not disturb those private employers in employment sector and never disturb at any time;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        To improve the economy of Seychelles (country) we shall do all the necessary infrastructure.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        The above are not just words with decorations I request all of you to support me and other parties who join me and I humbly request you to do so.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>You should also be instrumental for this country to have a good rule flourishing like a flower.  </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        SUPPORT RAMAKALAWAN AND MAKE HIM VICTORIOUS TO HAVE THE STATE OF LORD RAM IN THE SEYCHELLES.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>The Explanation of the Appellant </strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is the explanation of the Appellant that the leaflet is no more than an election manifesto and an election promise like so many electoral promises. We would tend to agree with him and others who would hold that view. Except that at the same time, at some places, the leaflet loses the character of an electoral manifesto and becomes a document of bargain.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Court’s consideration of the content of the impugned leaflet</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The major part of it does look like an ‘election manifesto’ directed to the Tamil Community. It assumes that this community should be afforded a greater participation in his government.  Whether it really qualifies to be considered as an election manifesto, we shall analyze in due course.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">A nice pun is made on the era of Ram and the first syllable of his own name, written to win their hearts. He adds “I merge myself and live together with Indians and Tamils.” There is nothing in it. No promise is made. The concluding tour de force: “SUPPORT RAMKALAWAN AND MAKE HIM VICTORIOUS TO HAVE THE STATE OF RAM IN THE SEYCHELLES,” is political jargon. Account needs to be taken of the fact that the Opposition, in its electoral campaign, is condemned to launch its campaign based on errors of the past to sell a new vision for the future while Government has the advantage of focusing on its achievements in office. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Where does the leaflet hurt section 51(3)(b)?</em></strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">At a few places, however, the leaflet begins to hurt the law. It is where it says:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                        <em>“If all of you join together and make me as President, I shall declare Deepavali as a Government holiday. Those who are eligible from the Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        “If we come to power, our Government shall not disturb those private employers in employment sector and never disturb at any time.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“The above are not just words and decorations …”  </em></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The leaflet has just used a few words too many. The promises are not just words. That it was all meant to attract their electoral support to make him President with a reciprocal commitment is patent.  Targeting a particular community like the Tamils within the larger community of Seychellois, in a language written to them, not accessible to the rest of the community is a risk that a candidate takes just like the Bangla Deshis in the Tower Hamlets case and the Muslim Community on the <strong>Jugnauth v Ringadoo</strong> <strong>[supra]</strong> case.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">As rightly decided in the Tower Hamlets case:</p> <p class="rtejustify">            <em>“There is world of difference … between what might, if unkindly, be termed a general ecclesiastical bleat …., and (am) especially targeted letter aimed at one particular body of the faithful telling them their religious duty is to vote for candidate A and not candidate B. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">What is the law which was violated by those words? Section 51(3)(b) reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>51 (3) For the purposes of this section and sections 44, 45 and 47, <u>a person commits an illegal practice where the person</u>—</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        …. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        <u>directly</u> or indirectly, by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, gives or procures or <u>agrees to</u> give or <u>procure or to endeavour to procure, any office, place or employment to or for a voter, or to or for any person, in order to induce the voter to vote or refrain from voting. ….”</u></em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Had the same things been stated differently, it would not have fallen foul of the law. It would have passed the test of legitimacy if he had stated in the leaflet: for example, that the Tamil Community needs to have a proper recognition in the public affairs of Seychelles; that Deepavali needed to have a proper recognition; that the community needed to be properly represented in the Executive and the Civil Service etc.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The reason is that in this case it is the offer to cater for perceived past omissions. But in the way it is written, it is striking a bargain. “Support me for Presidency in return for a Ministerial post in Cabinet and senior post in the public service. This is not an empty word but an undertaking.” The proximity to the election dated is to be noted. The leaflet is dated 9<sup>th</sup> December 2015 and the elections were due on the 16<sup>th</sup> December so that it must have been circulated in between at the time of the electoral sprint. How near to the polling day an impugned activity takes place is an important factor: see <strong>Barrow-in-Furness [4 O’M &amp; H. 77]; Ringadoo v A.K. Jugnauth [infra]</strong>.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The mischief lies in the element of private bargain</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The mischief lies in the element of bargaining. As the reasoning in <strong>Ringadoo v A.K. Jugnauth [2007 SCJ 80] </strong>confirmed on appeal by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in <strong>Jugnauth A.K v Ringadoo [2008 UKPC]:</strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                   <em>“The campaign was conducted not so much along the line of government performance or but on the basis of “donnant donnant” where votes, individually and collectively, were exchanged for jobs in the civil service.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [supra],</strong> the averment was that on the 29<sup>th</sup> of December 2005 at a Centre the respondent had officially announced the acquisition of land of 2 arpents to be given to the Islamic Community as a cemetery with the sole design of inducing, influencing and bribing the voters of Muslim faith.  The Court decided:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“A candidate does not fall foul of our electoral law against bribery where he is selling so to speak government performance or electoral programme or party manifesto to attract votes. That is normal electoral campaigning. … He will fall foul of the law when he is involved in buying votes: i.e. exchange vote for money or any other valuable considerations instead of using cogent arguments to influence the voters. There must be an element of bargaining and the corrupt motive will stand out so obviously from the facts.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Redressing grievances of people of a particular community or locality is part of the <em>“politique de proximité.”</em> But this <em>“politique de proximité”</em> will not shield the politician where the offer of redress is exchanged for votes: see also <strong>Harjit Sing v Umrao Singh [AIR 1980 SC 701].</strong> </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Supreme Court took the view that “to announce certain decisions a few days before polling whether by Cabinet or the Prime Minister may constitute an act of corrupt practice of bribery if done for a purpose which was obviously to induce the voters and which has nothing to do with the political manifesto.”</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the case of Tower Hamlets, the candidate was playing two cards: the race card and the religious card. In our case, it is a community  card. The focus as here was on a letter which contained the then Mayor’s message. The content may be ignored. But what is important is, as has been stated in the operative part of the decision:  <em>“Although the document speaks of the ‘community’ throughout in a neutral fashion, it must be recalled that the letter was published solely in the Bengali language in a newspaper whose readership … was restricted to Bengali speakers. It had not appeared in the English section of the newspaper.” </em>  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Its pernicious character was condemned as “a specially targeted letter aimed at a<em> particular body of the faithful, telling them their religious duty is to vote for candidate A and not for candidate B.”</em> The court sadly found that there was undue influence of the spiritual type and a breach of section 115(2) of the 1983 Act. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The concept of free and fair election is openness</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The role played by an open offer to needy people through a manifesto is high-lighted in the case of <strong>Subramaniam Balaji v Government of Tamil Nadu &amp; Others [Civil Appeal no. 5130 of 2013.</strong>]</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">While releasing its manifesto one party had offered free distribution of Colour Television sets to each household which did not possess same. The stated intention was to provide recreation and general knowledge to the household women, more particularly living in the rural areas. When the party was elected, forms were distributed for the purpose of screening the eligible recipients and implementing the scheme.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Another party offered in its manifesto grinders, mixers, electric fans, laptop computers, 4-gram gold thalis, Rs50,000-cash for women’s marriage, green houses, 20 kg rice to ration-card holders, free cattle and sheep on certain basis to the needy but not necessarily those under the poverty line. When the respective parties were elected, forms were distributed for the purpose of screening the eligible recipients and implementing the scheme. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Court held that to the extent that these were ventilated in the party public manifesto, the offers could not be taken to be bribes and illegal practices. They stemmed from their manifestos designed to achieving social and economic democracy in the pursuit of the political democracy enshrined in the Constitution.  Thus, the freebies could not be regarded as a decision the court could enter into.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It goes without saying that even if one of the TV sets was offered for a vote which was not foreseen in the manifesto, it would have amounted to an act of corrupt practice.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Definition and role of a political manifesto </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The acts and doings derive legitimacy from a public document disseminated to the wide electoral population for the purpose of ensuring a level playing field to every participant in the campaign. This is the role played by a political manifesto. What is a political manifesto? It is “<em>a public </em><em>declaration</em><em> of </em><em>intent</em><em>, </em><em>policy</em><em>, </em><em>aims </em><em>etc, as </em><em>issued</em><em> by a political party, government, or movement</em>,” as per Collins English Dictionary, ed. 2016. Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary, Eleventh Edition defines a manifesto as “<em>a written statement declaring publicly the intentions, motives, or views of its issuer</em>.” It is the publicity aspect of it that makes it a manifesto in the sense that it is manifest and not restricted to a specific community. If any activity, including the freebies fall under it, it cannot be regarded as corrupt practice. But the same activity would fall foul of the law if it is not known to the rest of the nation, in a language that is understood by a small community as in this case. A bargain then is being struck privately with the rest of the electorate unaware.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Openness is the key to a free and fair election. The people may only exercise their votes freely and fairly if they are “fully informed of the policies and qualities of all the political parties and candidates through appropriate electoral campaigns to enable voters to make an informed choice.” This extract is taken from the Shared Code of Conduct of the Political Parties and Stake Holders prior to the election in Seychelles of 2015.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Supreme Court in <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [supra]</strong> also commented on the opprobrium of the conduct: a campaign conducted not along party policy line on an election manifesto but an offer made  to a selected group against an offer for community support for election. The difference lies in whether it is a <em>“projet de société”</em> or a <em>“projet personnel”</em> that one is projecting.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is all a question of what you want to convey. It is all right to say to the people or any part of the people: “My party represents this vision for the future of the nation and its people. Your interests and your concerns fall within that vision.” But it is not right to say to them in private: “Your community has been maginalized. You vote for me. And I shall offer you a Ministerial position and a senior post in the public service.”   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Cutting out the mischief in the leaflet</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Had the same message been conveyed differently it would have been regarded as permissible under the law:</li> </ol> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">that the Tamil Community forms an important section of the whole nation;</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">that the Constitution of the Republic speaks of a plural nation;</li> <li class="rtejustify">that they have a number of concerns which hitherto have passed unnoticed by successive governments;</li> <li class="rtejustify">that the community needs to be duly represented in the Civil Service and in the Cabinet;</li> <li class="rtejustify">that time should be allocated in the national TV for an exposure of their culture and festivals;</li> <li class="rtejustify">serious consideration should be given to their festival Deepavali as a public holiday.   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It may well be that this neutral language would have had greater impact on the community. What is the difference? The same activity stated in one way becomes the opposite of itself when stated in a different way. The difference is obvious when one says: “It is permissible to pray while smoking but it is not permissible to smoke while praying.” The crux of the matter is what do you want to convey?</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The text as worded unhappily conveys the clear message of bargaining for votes, an undertaking to the community that they will obtain Deepavali as a public holiday and places in the Cabinet and senior posts in the civil service against their votes. Learned counsel has argued that there is nowhere the offer of vote mentioned. To us, that is clearly driven home by the design at the end of the document which shows a tick against his name in a simulated ballot paper. This is where it went wrong. We are not quite sure whether the Appellant had this leaflet vetted by his legal adviser/s before he released it. He should have had it so vetted.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This is where what may have been an otherwise worthy political enterprise to pursue went wrong and in our view, therefore, the conclusion of the Constitutional Court that the Appellant had fallen foul of the law cannot be disturbed.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>OUR DECISION ON BREACH OF SECTION 51(3)(b)</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Our answer to paragraph (c) is that, while it is true the Court should have gone into more details to see whether the case against the Appellant was proved, the Constitutional Court did not err in substance in deciding as it did.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 2</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act in that it failed to appreciate that the Newsletter had not contained any stipulation as to vote, had not made any definite promise to any voter, had not been specific as to a voter, and had not offered to procure any office in exchange for a vote.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Before we consider this ground, we may set the record right. The leaflet circulated was not by any standard a Newsletter. It was a private correspondence to the Tamil Community in the Tamil language obviously for their private readership.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Single voter v Community Votes</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Under this ground, if the argument of learned counsel is that section 51(3)(b) only applies where the acts and doings are directed to a single voter and not to a community of voters, the argument is hard to follow. The legislator cannot have intended that where the illegal practice involves a sole voter, section 51(3)(c) applies but where it concerns many voters forming a community or class, it does not. We are not prepared to go with him along this line. On the contrary, the higher the number of people targeted, the greater the gravity.  And where it is generalized, there is a duty to render the election as a whole void.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">However, there is a much shorter answer to this argument. Section <a name="_Toc384023217" id="_Toc384023217">20 of the Interpretations and General Provisions Act reads: </a></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“</em><em>20.       In an Act words in the singular include the plural and words in the plural include the singular.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 3</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>The Constitutional Court erred in deciding to report that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice without first:</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a) Considering and giving the Appellant an opportunity of explaining whether the act or omission constituting the alleged illegal practice had been done or made in good faith or through inadvertence or other reasonable cause, or</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b) Considering whether, taking into account all the relevant circumstances, and after having heard the Appellant in that regards, it would be just that the alleged illegal practice should be an exception under the Elections Act and that the Appellant should not be subject to the consequences arising from the commission of the illegal practice. finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We shall take both limbs in the above ground together. What happened was that the moment the Court found that the case alleged against the Appellant was proved, it moved forthwith to the reporting procedure: section 47(1)-(4). These provisions read:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“(1) At the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Constitutional Court shall report in writing to the Electoral Commission—</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        whether an illegal practice has been proved to have been committed by a candidate or an agent of the candidate and the nature of the practice;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        the names and descriptions of all persons who have been proved at the trial to have been guilty of an illegal practice.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(2) Before making any report under subsection (1)(b) in respect of a person who is not a party to an election petition the Constitutional Court shall give the person an opportunity to be heard and to call evidence to show why the person should not be reported.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) When the Constitutional Court reports that an illegal practice has been committed by a person, the person is disqualified for a period of five years from the date of the report from being registered as a voter and from voting at an election or a referendum under this Act.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(4) The Electoral Commission shall cause the name of the person reported under subsection (1) to be removed from the register of voters of the electoral area where the person is registered as a voter.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In that exercise, the Constitutional Court did not apply the provision of section 45(4) which vests it with power to consider any circumstance which would have assuaged the harsh legal consequence of the act and omission of the Appellant. It felt bound by the wording of section 47(1) that at the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Court shall report the fact to the Electoral Commissioner which would lead to his disqualification.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We take the view that the Court should have considered the provision of section 45(4) to ascertain whether there existed reasons in the case which would have distilled the grave consequences of the reporting and disqualification. In other words, a judicious application of section 47(1) should have been made in the light of the provisions under section 45(4). This subsection reads: </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“(4) Where it appears to the Constitutional Court on an election petition—</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        that an act or omission of a candidate or the agent of a candidate or any other person, which, but for this section, would be an illegal practice under this Act, has been done or made in good faith through inadvertence or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause of a like nature; or</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        that upon taking into account all the relevant circumstances it would be just that the candidate, agent of the candidate or the other person should not be subject to any of the consequences under this Act for such act or omission,</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        the Court may make an order allowing the act or omission, which would otherwise be an illegal practice under this Act, to be an exception to this Act and the candidate, agent or other person shall not be subject to the consequences under this Act in respect of the act or omission and the result obtained by the candidate shall not, by reason only of that act or omission, be declared to be void.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Application of Natural Justice</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">However, even if section 45(4) had not existed, natural justice demanded that before the report were to be made, the appellant was entitled to be heard before the coercive order could be made. As was stated in 1615 in <strong>Baggs case [11 Co. Rep 93 b],</strong> bodies entrusted with decision making power could not validly exercise it without first hearing the person who was going to suffer. That proposition of law has been made our own in the case of <strong>Jeremie v Minister CS 154/1994, 20 March 1995</strong> whereby:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“It is the rule of natural justice that when one sits in judgment on others the decision must be supported by valid reasons.” </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In <strong>Russell v Duke of Norfolk [1949] 1 All ER 109 at 119,</strong> Tucker LJ stated as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“The requirements of natural justice must depend on the circumstances of the case, the nature of the inquiry, the rules under which the tribunal is acting, the subject matter to be dealt with, and so forth.” </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In other words, one a Court has made a finding that carries with it sanctions of a coercive nature, particularly of this nature which affects a fundamental Charter right, consideration should be given as to whether the sanction fits the act or omission, is of a grave or light nature before the sanction is imposed proportionally. After a finding that the case was proved against the Appellant, it was open to the Court to give an opportunity to the Appellant to consider the applicability of section 45(4), account taken of the legal consequence that was to follow. This Ground succeeds.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>FINAL CONCLUSION ON MERITS OF THE APPEAL</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Appeal is dismissed on Grounds 1 and 2. But it succeeds on Ground 3.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the circumstances, in the exercise of our powers under Rule 31(1), we would invite learned counsel of the Appellant, if he so wishes, to address us now on the application of section 45(4) to the facts of this case. Otherwise, we assume that the facts are already apparent and the submissions, especially those under paragraph 12 and 13 of his Heads of Argument dated 4<sup>th</sup> July 2016, have <a name="_GoBack" id="_GoBack"></a> sufficiently canvassed the points, in which case we shall proceed under Rule 31(3) to consider whether it is just to report the matter to the Electoral Commissioner under section 47(1) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>FINAL DECISION </strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">APPLICATION OF SECTION 47(1) OF THE ELECTIONS ACT  </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Further to our decision on the grounds of appeal, we have considered the facts of this appeal and the submissions of learned counsel for the appellant and the stand taken by the Respondents.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We take the view that the acts and omissions arose in a one-off incident through inadvertence or misapprehension of the law.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Taking that into account and all the relevant circumstances, we take the view that it would be just that the candidate should not be subject to the legal consequences under the Act.</li> <li class="rtejustify">We, accordingly, spare the Appellant the application of section 47(1) of the Elections Act with respect to the Reporting requirement to the Electoral Commissioner.  In the circumstances, we make no order as to costs.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>S. Domah (J.A)</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>I concur:.                                ………………….                     F. MacGregor (PCA)</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>I concur:.                                ………………….                     J. Msoffe (JA)</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Signed, dated and delivered at Palais de Justice, Ile du Port on 12 August 2016</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>JUDGMENT</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>S. Domah (J.A)</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On 3, 4 and 5 December 2015, Seychelles held its first round in its latest quinquennial election for the choice of its ensuing President. As per the Constitution, if any from the number of the candidates secured more than 50% of the votes, he is declared elected, failing which the process goes through a second ballot between the best two. As it happened at the end of the 3-day process, no candidate reached that ceiling. The country was then set for a second round on 16, 17 and 18 December 2015. It was the first time it had happened in the history of Seychelles. The two contestants were Respondent No. 2, Mr James Alix Michel, the President in post; and the Appellant, Mr Wavel John Charles Ramkalawon, the Opposition Leader. It was a notoriously close contest and the whole country waited with bated breaths for the announcement of the results which came out late in the night of 18 December. The Appellant, the Opposition leader had missed it by a narrow margin of 193 votes.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Unhappy with the outcome, Appellant filed a petition against the Electoral Commission, the elected President and the Attorney-General before the Constitutional Court.  In his view, rightly or wrongly, he would have carried the day but for the electoral malpractices.   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">He averred eleven (11) acts of illegal practice. The Respondents denied all the allegations and Respondent no. 2 went an extra mile. He averred in his defence that it was the appellant, then petitioner, who has been guilty of illegal practice within the meaning of section 51(3)(b) of the Election Act. At the end of a long hearing spanning over a couple of weeks and comprising a host of witnesses, a heap of documents and over 1,500 pages of transcript,  the Court comprising Chief Justice M. Twomey, C. McKee J. and D. Akiiki-Kiiza J.  delivered a judgment of 131 pages.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">They  found: <ol> <li> the acts of illegal practice not proved against the elected President;</li> <li>a number of others mentioned in the case needed to be summoned and were summoned to answer allegations of illegal practice;</li> <li>the allegation made by Respondent No. 2 proved against the Appellant on the facts and his own statement.  </li> </ol> </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Section 47(1) of the Elections Act provides that, at the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Constitutional Court shall report in writing to the Electoral Commissioner its finding under section 51(3)(b), the end result of which is that he is disqualified from voting for a period of 5 years. The Court stayed the order of reporting the Appellant on his application pending the determination of the appellate Court.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This Appeal against the decision of the Constitutional Court canvasses the following grounds:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act without:</p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Any party to the petition having prayed for any relief in respect of the alleged illegal practice;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Warning the Petitioner that he risked being penalised for having committed an illegal practice and giving him an opportunity of being heard thereon otherwise than to counter a mere allegation raised;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Considering the evidence supporting the alleged illegal practice in detail and assessing that evidence in the light of the requirements of section 51(3) (b).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 2</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act in that it failed to appreciate that the Newsletter had not contained any stipulation as to vote, had not made any definite promise to any voter, had not been specific as to a voter, and had not offered to procure any office in exchange for a vote.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 3</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in deciding to report that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice without first:</p> <p class="rtejustify">(a) Considering, and giving the Appellant an opportunity of explaining, whether the act or omission constituting the alleged illegal practice had been done or made in good faith or through inadvertence or other reasonable cause, or</p> <p class="rtejustify">(b) Considering whether, taking into account all the relevant circumstances, and after having heard the Appellant in that regards, it would be just that the alleged illegal practice should be an exception under the Elections Act and that the Appellant should not be subject to the consequences arising from the commission of the alleged illegal practice.</p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In this appeal, we are concerned only with the above grounds. The case has other ramifications with which we are not at present concerned. Miscellaneous Proceedings are on-going.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Evidence and Proceedings</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The finding of illegal practice against the appellant was based on a leaflet and Appellant’s response to the questions on its content. It has not been challenged that the leaflet emanated from him. Drawn up by him in the English language, it was translated in Tamil language and circulated to the Tamil community. Dated 9<sup>th</sup> of December 2015, its proximity of the date to the second round carries some significance. In that open letter issued to the Tamil community, he had spoken about his identical origin and his close ties with the community before making certain promises: inter alia, making Deepavali a national holiday and appointing “those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins (in) suitably placed positions in (his) cabinet” and the public service. </li> <li class="rtejustify">Evidence had been adduced by Mr. Rajasundaram, himself a Tamil and  knowledgeable with the Tamil language and the Tamil Community. His reading of the letter was at first that it was like a manifesto. However, under cross examination by the Attorney General who read section 51 (3)(b) of the Act to him, Mr. Rajasundaram agreed that there was an apparent breach of the section in the inducement offered to the Tamil Community to vote for him and in return for favours.  We have to straightaway state that a witness’s opinion as to whether an activity falls foul of the law is neither here nor there. This was a matter of law for the trial Court at the time and for this Court on the present appeal.   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Mr. Georges – evidently focusing on his defence that section 51(3)(b) referred to “a voter” and not a community of electors as such - questioned the witness on the Tamil community. The witness answered that the targeted readership was not a particular voter but a particular community. Further, he agreed that this was not a case where any specific person had been promised a post as a Minister in Cabinet or Principal Secretary in the public service. The letter was not personalized. It was agreed that there was no signature on the letter. Mr. Rajasundaram stated that he himself had received the letter between the first and second round of elections despite the letter being dated 9<sup>th</sup>December 2015.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Mr Ramkalawan’s Answers </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Appellant admitted to having drafted the letter in English for the purpose of its translation and circulation to the Tamil community. It contained statements such as: <em>“</em><em>Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet, Principal Secretaries…. The above are not just words or just decorations, I request all of you to support me and other parties to join me and I humbly request you to do so.  You should also be instrumental for this country to have a good room flourishing like a flower.  Support Ramkalawan and make him victorious.” </em>These were amongst other benefits to the Tamil community if they were to support him and the parties representing him in the election. </li> <li class="rtejustify">Mr. Ramkalawan’s answer to the content of the leaflet has been that it was simply politicking and that all elections are about promises.  His position may be gauged by the following answers he gave: <em>“Well I was not offering anything in particular to the Tamil or people of Indian origin, what I was basically saying is if there are people of Tamil and Indian origin who are eligible and who are suitable qualified they could very well just like anybody else be part of government.”</em>  He added: <em>“it was also very important for me to write to the Tamil community because there had been this notion that Ramkalawan and the SNP were xenophobes and that they hated foreigners, and given that the Tamil community is a big community that votes I thought it was my duty as a Politician campaigning to also seek their vote.” </em>When asked whether this letter was intended to induce voters to vote for him, his answer was: <em>“My Lords, election is about promises, so if I make a promise to the Tamil community is it not the same as making a promise to the elderly?  Is it not the same as making a promise to young people?  Is it not the same as making other promises?  This is what elections are all about.  And when politicians stand up and say I promise that I will do this that and the other, I do not see the difference between that and what is in the letter.</em>”</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">That made Mr. Hoareau appearing for Respondent No. 2 probe Mr. Ramkalawan further:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“Q:       So you agree with me that you were inducing these people to vote for you on the promise of offering ministerial posts and principal secretarial post in your government to members of their community?</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>A:         So what?  I mean this is my answer my Lords. “</em></p> <p class="rtejustify">Our task in this appeal is to see whether he is correct in holding that view and giving that answer.</p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>THE LAW </strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Before we move to the heart of the matter, it behoves us to clear some air with respect to the law itself. This is the first time a petition of such magnitude has been brought under the Election Act 1996.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Nature of the Proceedings Before the Constitutional Court</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The questioned  areas touch some basic principles applicable. They related to the nature of the proceedings, the onus and the standard of proof, the categorization of the various sections, whether under the criminal law or the civil law etc. Some of the words used in the text of the law throw some doubts as to whether the hearing was a civil action or a criminal action or somewhere in between. Some phrases in the Elections Act are connotative of criminal action rather than civil action. For example, section 47(1)(b) uses the word<em>: “guilty of an illegal practice”</em> and other sections use the word <em>“trial</em>.” The terms used in civil actions are <em>“an illegal practice stands proved</em>” or “<em>hearing</em>” instead of <em>“trial</em>.” Not only practitioners want to be certain about it but also the citizens who are the users. The problem this duality creates becomes evident at the time of the applicability or otherwise of: (a) the right of silence; (b) the right against self-incrimination; (c) the quantum of proof which is proof beyond reasonable doubt in a criminal trial and proof on a balance of probabilities in a civil action.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court heard the case as a civil case all through and applied  the civil standard of proof. Section 45(1) makes it abundantly clear that the trial of an election petition shall be held in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original civil jurisdiction.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">These issues have vexed not only Seychelles. They have necessitated the  authoritative pronouncement of the courts in other jurisdictions equally: Australia, Canada, India, United Kingdom, United States, Mauritius etc. Be that as it may, the law has to be certain especially one that touches each and every individual for the exercise of his or her right to vote. Candidates, voters, public authorities, practitioners need to know the scope and the limits of the various provisions and how they relate to one another in terms of application and interpretations.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Our analysis, however, shows that the confusion does not lie in the text of the Elections Act but in our own minds. The Act creates two possible actions in actual fact: one is the civil action by way of petition and the other is a criminal action by way of a formal charge. There is no mystery in how a civil action may cohabit with a criminal action and how they relate to each other in a legislation – whether one after the other or independently of each other or in parallel. In the Canadian system, the Federal Court of Canada was called upon to clarify the position in a case as recent as 2013. In <strong>McEwing v. Canada (Attorney General) 2013 FC 525 (CanLII), </strong>the Court examined the Canadian Election Act 2000 and stated as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“Prior to the enactment of the 2000 Act, procedures to overturn election results were governed by … the Dominion Controverted Elections Act, a 19<sup>th</sup> century Statute. …. (The) legislative regime … were considered to be cumbersome, costly and time-consuming and were for those reasons, rarely employed. The two jurisdictions, civil and criminal, were therefore treated separately  in the 2000 Act.” </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Co-existence of civil and criminal actions </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">A careful reading of the Seychelles Elections Act 1996 shows a comparable history and outcome. In the Canadian system, the criminal régime in section 19 is more easily demarcated from the civil régime in section 20 of the Elections Act 2000. In our Elections Act, the civil is found in sections 44-45 and the criminal in sections 51-53. However, the same acts and doings generate both a criminal and a civil action. Where the acts and doings are proved on a balance of probabilities, they lead to non-criminal sanctions such as rights suspension, de-registration etc. In Seychelles, it is removal of name from the Electoral Register for a period of 5 years, which in effect in a quinquennial legislature is for one or two elections only. The same acts and doings, if proved beyond reasonable doubt, in criminal proceedings will lead to criminal sanctions: 3 years imprisonment and SR20,000 fine. In certain cases, the maximum penalty is SR1,000,000. This explains the rationale for not creating a new and third quantum of proof in this area.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The mental element in civil and criminal electoral actions</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This takes us to the issue of mental element applicable in the two actions. This issue becomes relevant to us in relation to the application of section 45. The state of mind in a civil action is <em>in abstracto</em>: the standard of a reasonable man (English law) or “la conduite d’un bon père de famille” (French Law). Criminal liability is assessed <em>in concreto</em>: whether this particular defendant had the <em>mens rea </em>required for the offence charged. Thus, while the standard in the mental element of fraud in criminal election action would be subjective, in a civil election action that would be objective, mitigated to a mere level of recklessness or carelessness, even if in either case <em>“the intention is doing that thing which the Statute intended to forbid.” See </em> <strong>Norfolk, Northern Division, Case [1869)] 1 O’M &amp; H 236]; Wrzesnewskyj v Canada (Attorney-General) 2012 ONSC 2873 (CANLII). </strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In <strong>Bielli v Canada (Attorney-General 2012 FC 916 (CANLII)</strong>, the mental element in a criminal case is compared to that in a civil case where “<em>it is not a determination based on the subjective or individual perception or experience, but what is reasonable to conclude regarding what a person ought to have known in the circumstances.”</em>  It is a question of fact whether the person knew or should have known: <strong>McEwing v. Canada (supra)</strong>.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Further, in the case of <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [2015] EWHC 1215 (Comm), at para. 56, </strong>the High Court decided that <em>“knowledge of what they (the respondents) are doing does not need to be proved against a candidate for him to be fixed with their actions.” </em>That admittedly is a hard fact but objective liability is part and parcel of civil law which is concerned with a community rights and obligations: see <strong>Great Yarmouth Borough Case, White v Fell (1906) 5 O’M &amp; H 176. </strong>The reason thereof may lie in the fact that it is rare that members of the public engage in DIY corrupt practice in election time. Their activity invariably revolves round the candidate they support. It is always open to the candidate to come up and rebut his involvement in the conduct of the undesirable elements in his entourage.    </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We are concerned in the present case with a civil application of the law of illegal practice but not the criminal application of the law of illegal practice.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the case of <strong>Pellerin v Thérien [1997] RJQ 816 CA,</strong> the appellant challenged the constitutionality of section 465 on the ground that the sanction was suspension of his political right to vote, which was as good as a penal sanction. Yet the quantum of proof the law provided for was on a balance of probabilities. The Court of Appeal dismissed the argument holding that the two aspects of control over elections are distinct and require different substantive principles and rules of evidence. In the case of <strong>FH v MacDougall 2008 SCC 53 (CANLII),</strong> at para. 40, the Court stated that: <em>“Absent a statutory direction to the contrary, the burden of proof never shifts to the respondent party and the quantum of remains that of the balance of probabilities.”</em> The same view has been taken in the case of <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [supra] </strong>which puts it curtly: <em>“In general terms, an election court is a civil court not a criminal court.” </em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It would be otherwise where the case was conducted on the basis of a criminal charge for election offences of corrupt or illegal practice at which time the criminal standard of proof will apply. This was definitely decided by the Court of Appeal in England, which we make our own, in the case of  <strong>R v Rowe ex parte Mainwaring [1992] 1WLR 1059.</strong>   The civil standard of proof which is balance of probabilities for the hearing of an election petition has been confirmed in the case of <strong>A.K. Jugnauth v Ringadoo</strong> <strong>[2007 SCJ 80]</strong> <strong>[supra]</strong> by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [2008 UKPC 50]</strong> insofar as it concerns the trial of an election petition as opposed to the trial of a defendant who stands charged criminally with election offences.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Adversarial Action with Inquisitorial dimension </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Accordingly, there should be no confusion in our minds about the nature of the action, the onus of proof and the standard of proof. We are in the area of civil proceedings, if with a statutorily added inquisitorial dimension. But not for its inquisitorial character do the nature of the action and proceedings and the onus and the quantum of proof change. Where the action starts by a citizen against another citizen by way of petition, the action is a civil action and will be governed by all the rules of the civil procedure. Where the action starts by the State against a citizen based on the offence, the action is a criminal action and will be governed by all the rules obtaining under the criminal procedure. As for the word <em>“guilty”</em> used in penal proceedings, it is not a monopoly of criminal law. It is of usage in civil law equally, more often seen in disciplinary proceedings: (<strong>see West’s Encyclopedia of American Law, 2<sup>nd</sup> ed. 2008.)</strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>ELECTION AND DEMOCRACY</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">At the same time, the high seriousness of this civil process should be in the forefront in the mind of everyone involved. An election for the choice of our legislature or the Head of State goes to the very root of our democratic system of government. In <strong>Indira Nehru Gandhi v. Raj Narain [1976] (2) SCR 347</strong> (AIR 1975 SC 2299), the Court held:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em> “Democracy is a basic feature of the Constitution. Election conducted at regular, prescribed intervals is essential to the democratic system envisaged in the Constitution. So is the need to protect and sustain the purity of the electoral process.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT SITTING AS AN ELECTION COURT</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Our laws have entrusted the task of protecting and sustaining the purity of the electoral process upon the Judiciary through a Constitutional Court sitting as the Election Court with at least two judges. The paramount role of this Court in the context of Seychelles calls for profound reflection on the high responsibility reposed upon it.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In to-day’s political world, evidence abounds that the strength of a democracy is only as good as the credibility of its elections. Elections make or break democracies. They make them where they are free, fair and credible. They break them where they are just a façade. In the <strong>IDCR: Briefing Paper Electoral Corruption</strong>. Sarah Birch, this is what has been stated:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“In the modern world, electoral corruption is one of the major obstacles to democratisation; it is also a significant problem in many established democracies.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify">           </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We are going through a period of time in world history where even the established democracies seem not safe enough in the many ways elections may be rigged. Mischief makers have adopted new ways of corrupting the electoral process. In a recent election in Canada, a misleading message was sent over the internet in the name of the authorities to the voters of a particular area with a known allegiance to one of the parties. The message directed them to a place where it was not possible for them to vote. Electoral corrupt practice has taken other subtle and sophisticated forms as is evident in the case of <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [supra] </strong>better known as the Tower Hamlets case. This has emphasized the role of the election courts to exercise greater vigilance over the manner in which democracies are being corrupted.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Election Court is a Unique Court</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is sometimes not so obvious that an Election Court has special characteristics. As was stated in the Tower Hamlets case:  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“An election court is, in some ways, a unique tribunal. Election petitions are presented and pursued in very similar manner to claims made in the civil courts and, procedurally, the basic rules to be applied are those of the Civil Procedure Rules (“CPR”). Accordingly, election proceedings have an adversarial character. Nevertheless, election petitions differ in a number of ways from civil actions.”   </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">One of the special characteristics is that it is vested with at once an adversarial character as well as an inquisitorial character: see para. 40 of  <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [supra]. </strong>A like competence is vested with the Constitutional Court sitting as an Election Court. The Elections Act vests it with powers under section 45(2) whereby the court may not stay content with only the dispute between the parties but need to go further. It may order <em>proprio motu</em> and compel any person concerned with the election to attend as a witness to depose. The trial is not only the trial of the persons directly before court but it is one of the election itself. That is apparent by the wording of section 45(2).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Section 45 (2): Election Court’s Inquisitorial Role</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Section 45 (2) reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">           </p> <p class="rtejustify">            <em>“45(2) The Constitutional Court may— </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        by an order, compel any person who appears to the Court to be concerned in the election to attend as a witness at the trial; and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        examine a witness referred to in paragraph (a) or any person in Court, although the person has not been called as a witness.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) A witness or a person referred to in (3) subsection (2) may be examined or cross examined, as the case may be, by the petitioner, respondent and Attorney-General or his representative, if present at the trial.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">All this simply highlights the role the Judiciary plays and should play in ensuring that the integrity of the electoral process is not corroded in any way whatsoever. Its primordial responsibility is to jealously guard the legacy of a democratic system of government and ensuring its continuous consolidation under the rule of law.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Mindfulness of nation’s fragility</p> <p class="rtejustify">   </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Judiciary, however, has its institutional limits. It may only enter the scene <em>ex post facto, </em>for diagnosis and cure. By that time, it may well be too late. Our fragile democracies would be better served if everyone played by the rules. On and off, it would help each citizen to refer to our Constitution along with our prayer books. It is a place where we have reposed our own fate as an individual and as a nation. We have to be:  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>“</em></strong><em>EVER MINDFUL of <u>the uniqueness and fragility of Seychelles</u>;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>CONSCIOUS of our colonial history before becoming an Independent Republic;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>AWARE and PROUD that as descendants of different races we have learnt to live together as one Nation under God and can serve as an example for a harmonious multi-racial society ....</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>It shall be the duty of every citizen of Seychelles-</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a) to <u>uphold and defend this Constitution and the law</u>; ... and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify">                   <em>(f) generally, to strive towards the fulfillment of the aspirations contained in the Preamble of this Constitution.”</em></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">With the above essential preliminaries, we come to the Grounds of Appeal.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Ground 1, challenges the decision of the Constitutional Court in its finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act without:</li> </ol> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Any party to the petition having prayed for any relief in respect to the alleged illegal practice;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Warning the Petitioner that he risked being penalized for having committed an illegal practice and giving him an opportunity of being heard thereon otherwise than to counter a mere allegation raised;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Considering the evidence supporting the alleged illegal practice in details and assessing that evidence in the light of the requirements of section 51(3) (b).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We shall take the Grounds in the order in which they have been raised.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1(a)</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On Ground 1 (a), the question is whether the mere fact that the 2<sup>nd</sup> respondent had only stated that there was corrupt practice by the Appellant, without praying the Court for a relief, the Court should have at all made an order which was to all intent and purposes outside the four corners of the pleadings. Mr Bernard Georges for the Appellant submitted that Respondent No. 2 had never intended the ultimate consequence of de-registration of the Appellant when he had put in his defence. His complaint was a shield and not a sword.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Limits and Scope of Pleadings in an Election Case</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We would have happily granted learned counsel that argument had we been in an ordinary civil case between private parties before any other Court: see <strong>Gill v Gill SCA 4/2004</strong>. But here the parties were neither in an ordinary case nor before an ordinary court. A court entrusted to hear an election petition is a unique court in many respects as has been outlined above, both adversarial and inquisitorial. We have dwelled on that aspect sufficiently above to rehash it here.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">What is more, section 45(1) does not stay content with stating that the trial of an election petition shall be held in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original jurisdiction.  It subjects the civil proceedings to the imperatives of the Act. Section 45(1) is stated to be <u>subject to this Act (underlining ours.</u>) Now, when we read section 45(2), we note that once a petition is lodged, the Court is seized with a wider jurisdiction than just an examination of the issues before the two parties. The trial by that very fact becomes the trial of an election. Section 45(2) enables the Court to go beyond the parameters of the adversarial hearing and don an inquisitorial role. It may order and compel the attendance and the examination of witnesses who are not originally in the case but are concerned. We are not basically limited by the pleadings as would be the case in an ordinary civil action between private parties.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In a 19<sup>th</sup> century case dealing with a like issue as the present one whether a petitioner could be questioned on his own wrong-doing in his own petition, the court held: <em>“Except where there are recriminatory charges against the unsuccessful candidate, or for the purpose of declaring petitioner’s vote void on scrutiny, the conduct of the petitioner at an election cannot be inquired into, and in this case there is no distinction between a candidate-petitioner and a voter-petitioner”</em>: <strong>Re Dufferin Case (1879) HEC 529. 4 AR 420 (CAN) cited in The Digest of Annotated British Commonwealth and European Cases Vo. 20, Elections, para. 1727.</strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">However, that decision did not survive for long. In the early 20<sup>th</sup> century, the overriding need to maintain the pure stream of an election process  uncorrupted came to the fore and the Courts moved away from that jurisprudence as from the case of <strong>Maidstone Case, Cornalis v Barker (1901) 5 O’M&amp;H 149, cited in The Digest (ibid.), para. 1727</strong>.</li> <li class="rtejustify">In the Seychelles’ Elections Act, like in many other up-dated elections laws, this long arm of the law is evident. Section 45(2) reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“45(2) The Constitutional Court may— </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        by an order, compel any person who appears to the Court to be concerned in the election to attend as a witness at the trial; and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        examine a witness referred to in paragraph (a) or any person in Court, although the person has not been called as a witness.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) A witness or a person referred to in (3) subsection (2) may be examined or cross examined, as the case may be, by the petitioner, respondent and Attorney-General or his representative, if present at the trial.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Attorney-General has referred to the case of <strong>Moses Masika Wetangula v Musikari Nazi Kombo and William Kinyani Onyango IEBC [2013] eKLR</strong> in support. The Court did refer to these cases in its judgment at paragraph 111. That should provide the answer to this part of the Appeal. There is no merit in Ground 1((a).  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1(b)</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On Ground 1 (b), the question is whether it was the duty of the Court to warn the appellant that he risked being penalized for having committed an illegal practice. That would have given him an opportunity to answer or not to answer the allegation or to give a proper explanation.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is the argument of the Respondents that the appellant was represented by counsel of some standing so that the need was not felt. To our mind, the right against self-incrimination exists no matter whether it is a civil case, a criminal case or an enquiry. That right is attached to the person and goes with the person. It does not matter where he is: whether at the police station, in his home, in a public place, in the witness box, in a criminal case or a civil case.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Was there a duty to warn appellant?</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The wording of Article 19 (1) (g) should be borne in mind, however: <em>“A person shall not be  compelled to testify at the trial or confess guilt.”</em> On the facts, it is patently clear that the Appellant was not compelled to say whatever he had to say in his defence, in the particular circumstances of this case. There arose no duty either on his counsel or the Court to enter into the arena. On the facts, the averment against him was not a matter that had occurred out of the blue. It had been on the cards since the beginning of the case. He had all the time available to consider his position. There is no indication that he was taken by surprise in any way as learned counsel for the Respondents put it. If with the opportunity given to him, he did not apprise himself of the law, he is deemed to know the law. Eventually, he preferred to meet the allegation with his explanation.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On the other aspect of this ground as to whether the explanation was acceptable and should have been accepted by the Court, we shall address it along with Ground 1 (c).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1(c)</strong> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The grievance of Mr Bernard Georges under  Ground 1 (c) is that the Constitutional Court did not properly examine whether the facts constituted illegal practice. The examination is extremely cursory in the judgment, according to him, in its finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice by publishing and distributing leaflets in the Tamil language to voters from the Tamil Community in Seychelles promising them senior posts in his government, thereby inducing them to vote for him or refrain from voting for the elected President contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Election Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The operative part of the judgment of the Constitutional Court on the question <em>in quo </em>reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                        <em>“While it is not averred that the acts of the Petitioner affected the results of the elections in any way, it is clear that his acts satisfy the provisions of section 51(3)(b) to constitute illegal practices. Even if he was not intending to contravene the law, we view such acts especially by the leader of a political party to be reprehensible and irresponsible. We were particularly dismayed by his non chalance and levity when challenged with the evidence which he admitted. We are obliged to make a report on this matter to the Electoral Commission in terms of striking his name off the register of electors.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">              <strong><em>Court’s examination of the evidence</em></strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The judgment does not give ample details of the examination of the content of the leaflet in what way it constituted an illegal practice. But the language used by the court and the record of the proceedings do show that the court had properly ascertained that the acts constituted an illegal practice within the definition of section 51(3)(b).  The leaflet even if in Tamil was translated in English and cross-examined upon. The content was admitted by the Appellant. The only criticism that can be made of the judgment is that it could have been more elaborate.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This is an exercise we shall carry out deriving our powers under rule 31(3) of the Rules of the Court of Appeal. At the same time, we shall see whether the Court reached the right decision on the facts available on record since it is all a matter of examining a leaflet in the light of the answers given by the Appellant. This will also help us to help users of this law to demarcate the line between the lawful and the unlawful. When are promises made in an electoral campaign lawful? And when are they unlawful?</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We shall look at three cases from three jurisdictions.  The first is <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [2007 SCJ 80]</strong> which was confirmed on appeal by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in <strong>Jugnauth v Ringadoo [2008 UKPC 50]. </strong>One of the allegations was the offer made by an elected member to the Muslim Community for the extension of their cemetery. The second is the case of <strong>Erlam &amp; Ors v Rahman &amp; Ors [supra], </strong>the Tower Hamlets case, in England. This had to do with the issue of an elected Mayor, a Bangla Deshi, canvassing for support from the Bangla Deshi community. We shall then compare them with the Indian case of <strong>Subramaniam Balaji v Government of Tamil Nadu &amp; Others Civil Appeal No. 5130 of 2013]</strong> where two competing parties made competing promises of gifts in cash and kind, including household items to certain classes of people. This will enable us to consider the present case where the Appellant issued a leaflet comprising promises to the Tamil Community for positions and posts in his proposed government.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The impugned leaflet</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The leaflet reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                        <em>“Beloved Tamil hearts you are more than my life and I, Ramkalawan who likes you all write this note to you.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        There is a strong rumour that I will send all Tamil people out of this country and it is a wrong message and I completely deny as rumour.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My grandfather hailed from the State of Uttara Pradesh in India who migrated and settled in Seychelles.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        While I was a religious preacher and as an Opposition Leader I have participated in all wedding ceremonies, birthday functions and funerals of all Tamil origin and I participated with my full heart; I prayed God with my full hearty and Blessed all.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        I merge myself and live together with Indians and Tamils. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        If all of you join together and make me as President, I shall declare Deepavali as Government holiday. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        To flourish all trades of the trading community, my government shall do the necessary and I rule accordingly. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        All suitable consultations shall be made and resolve those stumbling blocks amongst small traders.   </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My Government shall find a solution to VAT very soon.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        Those of you brothers who are afraid of this party in power since last 38 years need to join together now and support my arm; I will be one amongst you when I rule this country.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        If I come to power, suitable tax concession arrangements shall be made for those people whose income remain less than Rupees 10,000.00.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        Laws of GOP and Immigration will be simplified.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My government shall ensure that Seychelles Rupees is not devalued. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My Government shall take suitable and necessary steps to develop the religions, language and race of all Indians and Tamils.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        A time slot will be allocated to Tamils in Television and Radio (video and audio).</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        While recognizing those long serving Indians and Tamils in Government service, I shall streamline the Ministry of Health and Ministry of Education;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        If we come to power, our government shall not disturb those private employers in employment sector and never disturb at any time;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        To improve the economy of Seychelles (country) we shall do all the necessary infrastructure.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        The above are not just words with decorations I request all of you to support me and other parties who join me and I humbly request you to do so.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>You should also be instrumental for this country to have a good rule flourishing like a flower.  </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        SUPPORT RAMAKALAWAN AND MAKE HIM VICTORIOUS TO HAVE THE STATE OF LORD RAM IN THE SEYCHELLES.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>The Explanation of the Appellant </strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is the explanation of the Appellant that the leaflet is no more than an election manifesto and an election promise like so many electoral promises. We would tend to agree with him and others who would hold that view. Except that at the same time, at some places, the leaflet loses the character of an electoral manifesto and becomes a document of bargain.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Court’s consideration of the content of the impugned leaflet</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The major part of it does look like an ‘election manifesto’ directed to the Tamil Community. It assumes that this community should be afforded a greater participation in his government.  Whether it really qualifies to be considered as an election manifesto, we shall analyze in due course.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">A nice pun is made on the era of Ram and the first syllable of his own name, written to win their hearts. He adds “I merge myself and live together with Indians and Tamils.” There is nothing in it. No promise is made. The concluding tour de force: “SUPPORT RAMKALAWAN AND MAKE HIM VICTORIOUS TO HAVE THE STATE OF RAM IN THE SEYCHELLES,” is political jargon. Account needs to be taken of the fact that the Opposition, in its electoral campaign, is condemned to launch its campaign based on errors of the past to sell a new vision for the future while Government has the advantage of focusing on its achievements in office. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Where does the leaflet hurt section 51(3)(b)?</em></strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">At a few places, however, the leaflet begins to hurt the law. It is where it says:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                        <em>“If all of you join together and make me as President, I shall declare Deepavali as a Government holiday. Those who are eligible from the Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        “If we come to power, our Government shall not disturb those private employers in employment sector and never disturb at any time.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“The above are not just words and decorations …”  </em></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The leaflet has just used a few words too many. The promises are not just words. That it was all meant to attract their electoral support to make him President with a reciprocal commitment is patent.  Targeting a particular community like the Tamils within the larger community of Seychellois, in a language written to them, not accessible to the rest of the community is a risk that a candidate takes just like the Bangla Deshis in the Tower Hamlets case and the Muslim Community on the <strong>Jugnauth v Ringadoo</strong> <strong>[supra]</strong> case.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">As rightly decided in the Tower Hamlets case:</p> <p class="rtejustify">            <em>“There is world of difference … between what might, if unkindly, be termed a general ecclesiastical bleat …., and (am) especially targeted letter aimed at one particular body of the faithful telling them their religious duty is to vote for candidate A and not candidate B. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">What is the law which was violated by those words? Section 51(3)(b) reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>51 (3) For the purposes of this section and sections 44, 45 and 47, <u>a person commits an illegal practice where the person</u>—</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        …. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        <u>directly</u> or indirectly, by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, gives or procures or <u>agrees to</u> give or <u>procure or to endeavour to procure, any office, place or employment to or for a voter, or to or for any person, in order to induce the voter to vote or refrain from voting. ….”</u></em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Had the same things been stated differently, it would not have fallen foul of the law. It would have passed the test of legitimacy if he had stated in the leaflet: for example, that the Tamil Community needs to have a proper recognition in the public affairs of Seychelles; that Deepavali needed to have a proper recognition; that the community needed to be properly represented in the Executive and the Civil Service etc.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The reason is that in this case it is the offer to cater for perceived past omissions. But in the way it is written, it is striking a bargain. “Support me for Presidency in return for a Ministerial post in Cabinet and senior post in the public service. This is not an empty word but an undertaking.” The proximity to the election dated is to be noted. The leaflet is dated 9<sup>th</sup> December 2015 and the elections were due on the 16<sup>th</sup> December so that it must have been circulated in between at the time of the electoral sprint. How near to the polling day an impugned activity takes place is an important factor: see <strong>Barrow-in-Furness [4 O’M &amp; H. 77]; Ringadoo v A.K. Jugnauth [infra]</strong>.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The mischief lies in the element of private bargain</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The mischief lies in the element of bargaining. As the reasoning in <strong>Ringadoo v A.K. Jugnauth [2007 SCJ 80] </strong>confirmed on appeal by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in <strong>Jugnauth A.K v Ringadoo [2008 UKPC]:</strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                   <em>“The campaign was conducted not so much along the line of government performance or but on the basis of “donnant donnant” where votes, individually and collectively, were exchanged for jobs in the civil service.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [supra],</strong> the averment was that on the 29<sup>th</sup> of December 2005 at a Centre the respondent had officially announced the acquisition of land of 2 arpents to be given to the Islamic Community as a cemetery with the sole design of inducing, influencing and bribing the voters of Muslim faith.  The Court decided:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“A candidate does not fall foul of our electoral law against bribery where he is selling so to speak government performance or electoral programme or party manifesto to attract votes. That is normal electoral campaigning. … He will fall foul of the law when he is involved in buying votes: i.e. exchange vote for money or any other valuable considerations instead of using cogent arguments to influence the voters. There must be an element of bargaining and the corrupt motive will stand out so obviously from the facts.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Redressing grievances of people of a particular community or locality is part of the <em>“politique de proximité.”</em> But this <em>“politique de proximité”</em> will not shield the politician where the offer of redress is exchanged for votes: see also <strong>Harjit Sing v Umrao Singh [AIR 1980 SC 701].</strong> </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Supreme Court took the view that “to announce certain decisions a few days before polling whether by Cabinet or the Prime Minister may constitute an act of corrupt practice of bribery if done for a purpose which was obviously to induce the voters and which has nothing to do with the political manifesto.”</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the case of Tower Hamlets, the candidate was playing two cards: the race card and the religious card. In our case, it is a community  card. The focus as here was on a letter which contained the then Mayor’s message. The content may be ignored. But what is important is, as has been stated in the operative part of the decision:  <em>“Although the document speaks of the ‘community’ throughout in a neutral fashion, it must be recalled that the letter was published solely in the Bengali language in a newspaper whose readership … was restricted to Bengali speakers. It had not appeared in the English section of the newspaper.” </em>  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Its pernicious character was condemned as “a specially targeted letter aimed at a<em> particular body of the faithful, telling them their religious duty is to vote for candidate A and not for candidate B.”</em> The court sadly found that there was undue influence of the spiritual type and a breach of section 115(2) of the 1983 Act. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The concept of free and fair election is openness</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The role played by an open offer to needy people through a manifesto is high-lighted in the case of <strong>Subramaniam Balaji v Government of Tamil Nadu &amp; Others [Civil Appeal no. 5130 of 2013.</strong>]</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">While releasing its manifesto one party had offered free distribution of Colour Television sets to each household which did not possess same. The stated intention was to provide recreation and general knowledge to the household women, more particularly living in the rural areas. When the party was elected, forms were distributed for the purpose of screening the eligible recipients and implementing the scheme.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Another party offered in its manifesto grinders, mixers, electric fans, laptop computers, 4-gram gold thalis, Rs50,000-cash for women’s marriage, green houses, 20 kg rice to ration-card holders, free cattle and sheep on certain basis to the needy but not necessarily those under the poverty line. When the respective parties were elected, forms were distributed for the purpose of screening the eligible recipients and implementing the scheme. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Court held that to the extent that these were ventilated in the party public manifesto, the offers could not be taken to be bribes and illegal practices. They stemmed from their manifestos designed to achieving social and economic democracy in the pursuit of the political democracy enshrined in the Constitution.  Thus, the freebies could not be regarded as a decision the court could enter into.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It goes without saying that even if one of the TV sets was offered for a vote which was not foreseen in the manifesto, it would have amounted to an act of corrupt practice.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Definition and role of a political manifesto </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The acts and doings derive legitimacy from a public document disseminated to the wide electoral population for the purpose of ensuring a level playing field to every participant in the campaign. This is the role played by a political manifesto. What is a political manifesto? It is “<em>a public </em><em>declaration</em><em> of </em><em>intent</em><em>, </em><em>policy</em><em>, </em><em>aims </em><em>etc, as </em><em>issued</em><em> by a political party, government, or movement</em>,” as per Collins English Dictionary, ed. 2016. Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary, Eleventh Edition defines a manifesto as “<em>a written statement declaring publicly the intentions, motives, or views of its issuer</em>.” It is the publicity aspect of it that makes it a manifesto in the sense that it is manifest and not restricted to a specific community. If any activity, including the freebies fall under it, it cannot be regarded as corrupt practice. But the same activity would fall foul of the law if it is not known to the rest of the nation, in a language that is understood by a small community as in this case. A bargain then is being struck privately with the rest of the electorate unaware.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Openness is the key to a free and fair election. The people may only exercise their votes freely and fairly if they are “fully informed of the policies and qualities of all the political parties and candidates through appropriate electoral campaigns to enable voters to make an informed choice.” This extract is taken from the Shared Code of Conduct of the Political Parties and Stake Holders prior to the election in Seychelles of 2015.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Supreme Court in <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [supra]</strong> also commented on the opprobrium of the conduct: a campaign conducted not along party policy line on an election manifesto but an offer made  to a selected group against an offer for community support for election. The difference lies in whether it is a <em>“projet de société”</em> or a <em>“projet personnel”</em> that one is projecting.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is all a question of what you want to convey. It is all right to say to the people or any part of the people: “My party represents this vision for the future of the nation and its people. Your interests and your concerns fall within that vision.” But it is not right to say to them in private: “Your community has been maginalized. You vote for me. And I shall offer you a Ministerial position and a senior post in the public service.”   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Cutting out the mischief in the leaflet</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Had the same message been conveyed differently it would have been regarded as permissible under the law:</li> </ol> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">that the Tamil Community forms an important section of the whole nation;</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">that the Constitution of the Republic speaks of a plural nation;</li> <li class="rtejustify">that they have a number of concerns which hitherto have passed unnoticed by successive governments;</li> <li class="rtejustify">that the community needs to be duly represented in the Civil Service and in the Cabinet;</li> <li class="rtejustify">that time should be allocated in the national TV for an exposure of their culture and festivals;</li> <li class="rtejustify">serious consideration should be given to their festival Deepavali as a public holiday.   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It may well be that this neutral language would have had greater impact on the community. What is the difference? The same activity stated in one way becomes the opposite of itself when stated in a different way. The difference is obvious when one says: “It is permissible to pray while smoking but it is not permissible to smoke while praying.” The crux of the matter is what do you want to convey?</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The text as worded unhappily conveys the clear message of bargaining for votes, an undertaking to the community that they will obtain Deepavali as a public holiday and places in the Cabinet and senior posts in the civil service against their votes. Learned counsel has argued that there is nowhere the offer of vote mentioned. To us, that is clearly driven home by the design at the end of the document which shows a tick against his name in a simulated ballot paper. This is where it went wrong. We are not quite sure whether the Appellant had this leaflet vetted by his legal adviser/s before he released it. He should have had it so vetted.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This is where what may have been an otherwise worthy political enterprise to pursue went wrong and in our view, therefore, the conclusion of the Constitutional Court that the Appellant had fallen foul of the law cannot be disturbed.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>OUR DECISION ON BREACH OF SECTION 51(3)(b)</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Our answer to paragraph (c) is that, while it is true the Court should have gone into more details to see whether the case against the Appellant was proved, the Constitutional Court did not err in substance in deciding as it did.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 2</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act in that it failed to appreciate that the Newsletter had not contained any stipulation as to vote, had not made any definite promise to any voter, had not been specific as to a voter, and had not offered to procure any office in exchange for a vote.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Before we consider this ground, we may set the record right. The leaflet circulated was not by any standard a Newsletter. It was a private correspondence to the Tamil Community in the Tamil language obviously for their private readership.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Single voter v Community Votes</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Under this ground, if the argument of learned counsel is that section 51(3)(b) only applies where the acts and doings are directed to a single voter and not to a community of voters, the argument is hard to follow. The legislator cannot have intended that where the illegal practice involves a sole voter, section 51(3)(c) applies but where it concerns many voters forming a community or class, it does not. We are not prepared to go with him along this line. On the contrary, the higher the number of people targeted, the greater the gravity.  And where it is generalized, there is a duty to render the election as a whole void.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">However, there is a much shorter answer to this argument. Section <a name="_Toc384023217" id="_Toc384023217">20 of the Interpretations and General Provisions Act reads: </a></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“</em><em>20.       In an Act words in the singular include the plural and words in the plural include the singular.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 3</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>The Constitutional Court erred in deciding to report that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice without first:</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a) Considering and giving the Appellant an opportunity of explaining whether the act or omission constituting the alleged illegal practice had been done or made in good faith or through inadvertence or other reasonable cause, or</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b) Considering whether, taking into account all the relevant circumstances, and after having heard the Appellant in that regards, it would be just that the alleged illegal practice should be an exception under the Elections Act and that the Appellant should not be subject to the consequences arising from the commission of the illegal practice. finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We shall take both limbs in the above ground together. What happened was that the moment the Court found that the case alleged against the Appellant was proved, it moved forthwith to the reporting procedure: section 47(1)-(4). These provisions read:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“(1) At the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Constitutional Court shall report in writing to the Electoral Commission—</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        whether an illegal practice has been proved to have been committed by a candidate or an agent of the candidate and the nature of the practice;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        the names and descriptions of all persons who have been proved at the trial to have been guilty of an illegal practice.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(2) Before making any report under subsection (1)(b) in respect of a person who is not a party to an election petition the Constitutional Court shall give the person an opportunity to be heard and to call evidence to show why the person should not be reported.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) When the Constitutional Court reports that an illegal practice has been committed by a person, the person is disqualified for a period of five years from the date of the report from being registered as a voter and from voting at an election or a referendum under this Act.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(4) The Electoral Commission shall cause the name of the person reported under subsection (1) to be removed from the register of voters of the electoral area where the person is registered as a voter.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In that exercise, the Constitutional Court did not apply the provision of section 45(4) which vests it with power to consider any circumstance which would have assuaged the harsh legal consequence of the act and omission of the Appellant. It felt bound by the wording of section 47(1) that at the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Court shall report the fact to the Electoral Commissioner which would lead to his disqualification.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We take the view that the Court should have considered the provision of section 45(4) to ascertain whether there existed reasons in the case which would have distilled the grave consequences of the reporting and disqualification. In other words, a judicious application of section 47(1) should have been made in the light of the provisions under section 45(4). This subsection reads: </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“(4) Where it appears to the Constitutional Court on an election petition—</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        that an act or omission of a candidate or the agent of a candidate or any other person, which, but for this section, would be an illegal practice under this Act, has been done or made in good faith through inadvertence or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause of a like nature; or</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        that upon taking into account all the relevant circumstances it would be just that the candidate, agent of the candidate or the other person should not be subject to any of the consequences under this Act for such act or omission,</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        the Court may make an order allowing the act or omission, which would otherwise be an illegal practice under this Act, to be an exception to this Act and the candidate, agent or other person shall not be subject to the consequences under this Act in respect of the act or omission and the result obtained by the candidate shall not, by reason only of that act or omission, be declared to be void.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Application of Natural Justice</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">However, even if section 45(4) had not existed, natural justice demanded that before the report were to be made, the appellant was entitled to be heard before the coercive order could be made. As was stated in 1615 in <strong>Baggs case [11 Co. Rep 93 b],</strong> bodies entrusted with decision making power could not validly exercise it without first hearing the person who was going to suffer. That proposition of law has been made our own in the case of <strong>Jeremie v Minister CS 154/1994, 20 March 1995</strong> whereby:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“It is the rule of natural justice that when one sits in judgment on others the decision must be supported by valid reasons.” </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In <strong>Russell v Duke of Norfolk [1949] 1 All ER 109 at 119,</strong> Tucker LJ stated as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“The requirements of natural justice must depend on the circumstances of the case, the nature of the inquiry, the rules under which the tribunal is acting, the subject matter to be dealt with, and so forth.” </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In other words, one a Court has made a finding that carries with it sanctions of a coercive nature, particularly of this nature which affects a fundamental Charter right, consideration should be given as to whether the sanction fits the act or omission, is of a grave or light nature before the sanction is imposed proportionally. After a finding that the case was proved against the Appellant, it was open to the Court to give an opportunity to the Appellant to consider the applicability of section 45(4), account taken of the legal consequence that was to follow. This Ground succeeds.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>FINAL CONCLUSION ON MERITS OF THE APPEAL</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Appeal is dismissed on Grounds 1 and 2. But it succeeds on Ground 3.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the circumstances, in the exercise of our powers under Rule 31(1), we would invite learned counsel of the Appellant, if he so wishes, to address us now on the application of section 45(4) to the facts of this case. Otherwise, we assume that the facts are already apparent and the submissions, especially those under paragraph 12 and 13 of his Heads of Argument dated 4<sup>th</sup> July 2016, have <a name="_GoBack" id="_GoBack"></a> sufficiently canvassed the points, in which case we shall proceed under Rule 31(3) to consider whether it is just to report the matter to the Electoral Commissioner under section 47(1) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>FINAL DECISION </strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">APPLICATION OF SECTION 47(1) OF THE ELECTIONS ACT  </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Further to our decision on the grounds of appeal, we have considered the facts of this appeal and the submissions of learned counsel for the appellant and the stand taken by the Respondents.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We take the view that the acts and omissions arose in a one-off incident through inadvertence or misapprehension of the law.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Taking that into account and all the relevant circumstances, we take the view that it would be just that the candidate should not be subject to the legal consequences under the Act.</li> <li class="rtejustify">We, accordingly, spare the Appellant the application of section 47(1) of the Elections Act with respect to the Reporting requirement to the Electoral Commissioner.  In the circumstances, we make no order as to costs.  </li> </ol> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p><strong>S. Domah (J.A)</strong></p> <p><strong>I concur:.                                ………………….                     F. MacGregor (PCA)</strong></p> <p><strong>I concur:.                                ………………….                     J. Msoffe (JA)</strong></p> <p><strong>Signed, dated and delivered at Palais de Justice, Ile du Port on 12 August 2016</strong></p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p><strong>Judgment of  <strong>Fernando (J.A)</strong></strong></p> </div> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Appellant has appealed against the part of the decision of the Constitutional Court which made a finding that he committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act (Cap 68A) on the following grounds:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act without:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Any party to the Petition having prayed for any relief in respect of the alleged illegal practice</li> <li class="rtejustify">Warning the Petitioner that he risked being penalised for having committed an illegal practice and giving him an opportunity of being heard thereon otherwise than to counter a mere allegation raised</li> <li class="rtejustify">Considering the evidence supporting the alleged illegal practice in detail and assessing that evidence in light of the requirements of section 51(3)(b).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act in that it failed to appreciate that the newsletter had not contained any stipulation as to vote, had not made any definite promise to any voter, had not been specific as to a voter, and had not offered to procure any office in exchange for a vote.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in deciding to report that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice without first:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Considering and giving the Appellant an opportunity of explaining, whether the act or omission constituting the alleged illegal practice had been done or made in good faith or through inadvertence or other reasonable cause, or</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Considering whether, taking into account all the relevant circumstances, and after having heard the Appellant in that regard, it would be just that the illegal practice should be an exception under the Elections Act and that the Appellant should not be subject to the consequences arising from the commission of the alleged illegal practice.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">By way of relief the Appellant has prayed for an order allowing the appeal, reversing the finding of the Constitutional Court that an illegal practice had been committed by the Appellant in respect of a newsletter issued to the Tamil Community of Seychelles, and quashing any decision of the Court pursuant to the finding.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is best to understand the background to this case and for that purpose I have adopted the statements in the judgment of the Constitutional Court which accurately sets out the facts in this regard:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">“[1] In early December 2015, the citizens of Seychelles went to the Polling Stations to choose their president for the next five years. This important democratic exercise was run by the First Respondent, the Electoral Commission, which is a politically independent body constitutionally mandated to conduct and supervise elections in Seychelles (see article 115(3) and article 116(1)(a) of the Constitution of the Republic of Seychelles, hereinafter referred to as “the Constitution”). The Petitioner, Mr. Wavel John Charles Ramkalawan, (<em>Appellant in this case</em>) and the Second Respondent, Mr. James Alix Michel, were both candidates for the presidency for their respective political parties, Seychelles National Party (SNP) and Parti Lepep (PL).</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[2]…The elections took place over three days (3rd to 5th December 2015) to allow Seychellois living on remote islands to vote first, followed by the inhabitants of the three main populated islands of Mahé, Praslin and La Digue on the final day. Six political parties fielded candidates in the election and a staggering 87.4 percent of the eligible voters turned out on the day to cast their ballot, (a total number of 62,004 people)…</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[3] …In this election, the Second Respondent, who was running for his third term of office, secured the highest percentage of votes (47.76%). However, he failed to secure the required fifty percent of the votes in the election in order to be appointed as the president (see in this regard schedule 3, paragraph 5 of the Constitution). The Petitioner secured 35.33% of the vote with the other four opposition parties making up the remaining percentages...</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[4] With no candidate securing more than fifty percent of the vote, the First Respondent was required by law to run a second round of elections. According to Schedule 3 paragraph 8 of the Constitution, in a second round of presidential elections only the two candidates with the highest number of votes take part. Therefore, the Petitioner (<em>Appellant in this case</em>) and the Second Respondent were to run against each other.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[5] The second round of the election was held on 16th, 17th and 18th December 2015.  A record number of 63,983 persons voted over the three days… Late in the evening on 18th December 2015, the following results were declared by the First Respondent:-</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">31,319 (49.85% of the votes) votes in favour of the Petitioner (Appellant in this case).</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">31,512 (50.15% of the votes) in favour of the Second Respondent.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Hence, the Second Respondent won the election by 193 votes.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[6] After this historic process, the Petitioner brought two cases to the Constitutional Court as he felt aggrieved by the declaration by the First Respondent, that the Second Respondent was validly elected President of Seychelles. The first case was brought as a Constitutional Petition in terms of Article 130 of the Constitution and given case number CP 07/2015. The second, this Petition was brought under section 51 of the Constitution and section 44 of the Elections Act, Cap 68A (hereinafter “the Act”). This case is assigned the case number CP 01/2016.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[7] The Third Respondent, the Attorney General, was joined to the Petition under rule 7(4) of the Presidential Election and National Assembly Election (Election Petition) Rules, 1998.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[8] The Petition was lodged in the Registry of the Supreme Court on the 5th January, 2016, and the Respondents filed their replies thereto. Since both cases involve the same parties the two cases, CP 01/2016 and CP 07/2015 were consolidated for the purposes of hearing the matters and the hearings commenced on the 14th January 2016. Today we are handing down judgments in both matters separately under their assigned case numbers.”.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">3. The appeal in this case is against the part of the judgment of the Constitutional Court in CP 01/2016 wherein the Constitutional Court made a finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act and the decision of the Constitutional Court to make a report on this matter to the Electoral Commission in terms of striking the Appellant’s name off the register of voters.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The part of the decision of the Constitutional Court which made a finding that the Petitioner committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act is set out below:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“The Second Respondent did not file a Counter Petition but averred in his Statement of Defence that the Petitioner had himself committed an illegal practice by publishing and distributing leaflets in the Tamil Language to voters from the Tamil Community in Seychelles promising them inter alia senior posts in his government so as induce them to vote for him or to refrain from voting for the Second Respondent. <strong>This</strong> was contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Act (supra) (paragraph 473 of the judgment)(emphasus added by me)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><u>While it is not averred that the acts of the Petitioner affected the results of the elections in any way</u>, it is clear that his acts satisfy the provisions of section 51 (3) (b) to constitute illegal practices. <u>Even if he was not intending to contravene the law</u>, <u>we view such acts <strong>‘especially by the leader of a political party to be reprehensible and irresponsible’</strong></u>. <u>We were particularly dismayed by <strong>‘his nonchalance and levity when challenged with the evidence’</strong>, which he admitted</u>. We are obliged to make a report on this matter to the Electoral Commission in terms of striking his name off the register of voters. (paragraph 474 of the judgment).[emphasis added by me]</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">We take this opportunity to warn future candidates to be careful about their conduct and the potential when making <u>electioneering</u> promises in contravention of the provisions of the law. (paragraph 475 of the judgment) (emphasis added by me)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">For the avoidance of any doubt, a report by the Constitutional Court will be forwarded to the Electoral Commission in regards to the illegal practice by the Petitioner pursuant to section 47(1) (a) of the Act. (paragraph 529 of the judgment)”</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">I refer below to all the references made in the 130 page judgment which had 530 paragraphs in regard to the illegal practice committed by the Petitioner:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“On the other hand, the Second Respondent averred that the Petitioner had committed an illegal practice by publishing and distributing leaflets in the Tamil Language to voters from the Tamil Community in Seychelles promising them senior posts in his government, thereby inducing them to vote for him or to refrain from voting for the Second Respondent. This was</p> <p class="rtejustify">contrary to Section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act”. (paragraph 22 of the judgment)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Mr. Hoareau, on behalf of the Second Respondent, introduced a letter which the Petitioner had written to the Tamil Community on the 9th of December 2015. In the letter the Petitioner committed himself to protecting the interests of the Tamil community, undertook to make Deepavali a national holiday and to appoint “those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins (in) suitably placed positions in (his) cabinet”. These were amongst other benefits to the Tamil community if they were to vote for him.In response the Petitioner stated that it was simply politicking and that all elections are about promises. (paragraph 267 of the judgment)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Second Respondent called Mr. Rajasundaram who is a registered voter at Bel Ombre since 1999. His former mother language is Tamil which he can read and write. He explained what the Tamil Community is and where people who speak the Tamil language originate from. He was shown the letter sent to those from the Tamil Community where he was asked to identify and compare the translated Tamil with the English version. Mr. Ramkalawan had made promises to the Tamil Community and inquired of his impression when reading the letter. The witness stated that in his opinion, this was a manifesto of a political party and that the Tamil Community was being considered and that the document was requesting that the Tamil Community vote for Mr. Ramkalawan and that there were a lot of promises that were made in the letter. The witness stated that he knew many Tamil voters and gave a few names. (paragraph 268 of the judgment)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Attorney General read section 51 (3)(b) of the Act in relation to illegal practices, he asked the witness whether the letter was an offer which was illegal according to the law which Mr. Rajasundaram agreed. Further Mr. Rajasundaram agreed that Mr. Ramkalawan was inducing the Tamil Community to vote for him and in return for a favour. (paragraph 269 of the judgment)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Mr. Georges questioned the witness on <u>the Tamil community</u>, the witness stated that the community <u>is not a person but a community</u>. Further, he stated that <u>there was not a specific person who was promised a post as a minister or Principal Secretary and the letter was not personalised</u>. It was agreed that there was no signature on the letter. Mr. Rajasundaram stated that he received the letter between the first and second round of elections despite the letter being dated 9<sup>th</sup>December 2015. (paragraph 270 of the judgment)” [emphasis added by me]</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The translated contents of the leaflet produced as Exhibit P15 at the hearing and an extract of which is referred to at paragraph 473 of the judgment as set out at paragraph 4 above, is set out below verbatim:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ul> <li class="rtejustify"> </li> </ul> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">There is a strong rumour that I will send all Tamil people out of this country and it is a wrong message and I completely deny as rumour.</p> <p class="rtejustify">My ancestors hail from Indian origin in Mauritius.</p> <p class="rtejustify">My grandfather hailed from the State of Uttara Pradesh in India who migrated and settled in Seychelles.</p> <p class="rtejustify">While I was a religious preacher and as an opposition leader I have participated in all wedding ceremonies, birthday functions and funerals of all Tamil origin and I participated with my full heart; I have prayed God with my full heart and Blessed all</p> <p class="rtejustify">I merge myself and live together with Indians and Tamils</p> <p class="rtejustify">If all of you join together and make me as President,</p> <p class="rtejustify">I shall declare Deepavali as Government holiday</p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify">To flourish all trades of trading community, my Government shall do the necessary and I rule accordingly.</p> <p class="rtejustify">All suitable consultations shall be made and resolve those stumbling blocks amongst small traders</p> <p class="rtejustify">My Government shall find a solution to VAT very soon</p> <p class="rtejustify">Those of you brothers who are afraid of this party in power since last 38 years need to join together now and support my arm; I will be one amongst you when I rule this country.</p> <p class="rtejustify">If I come to power, suitable tax concession arrangements shall be made for those people whose income remain less than Rupees 10,000.00</p> <p class="rtejustify">Laws of GOP and Immigration will be simplified</p> <p class="rtejustify">My government shall ensure that Seychelles Rupees is not devalued.</p> <p class="rtejustify">My Government shall take suitable and necessary steps to develop the religions, language and race of all Indians and Tamils;</p> <p class="rtejustify">A time slot will be allocated to Tamils in Television and Radio (video and audio)</p> <p class="rtejustify">While recognizing those long serving Indians and Tamils in Government service, I shall streamline the Ministry of Health and Ministry of Education;</p> <p class="rtejustify">If we come to power, our Government shall not disturb those private employers in employment sector and never disturb at any time;</p> <p class="rtejustify">To improve the economy of Seychelles (country) we shall do the entire necessary infrastructure.</p> <p class="rtejustify">The above are not just words with decorations I request all of you to support me and other parties who join me and I humbly request you to do so.</p> <p class="rtejustify">You should also be instrumental for this country to have a good rule flourishing like a flower</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>SUPPORT RAMKALAWAN AND MAKE HIM VICTORIOUS TO HAVE STATE OF LORD RAM IN THE SEYCHELLES.”</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is of importance to note the cross-examination of the Appellant by Counsel for the Second Respondent in regard to the contents of P15, which I have decided to record in part, but verbatim; in order to understand whether the Appellant had committed an illegal practice taking also into consideration the provisions of section 45(4) of the Elections Act, which is referred to at paragraph 8 below.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“Q. Mr. Ramkalawan if I may take you to the part where you said that those who are eligible from the Tamil and the Indian origins would be suitably placed positions in my cabinet and Principal Secretaries, what were you offering to the Tamil community there?</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A. Well I was not offering anything in particular to the tamil or people of Indian origin, What I was basically saying is if there are people of Tamil and Indian origin who are eligible and who are suitable qualified they could very well just like anybody else be part of Government. They could be given ministerial positions or other positions in government. And if there was no one whom I found eligible that person would not be.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Q. Why did you see it necessary to address the community and to tell them that people from their community could be placed in your cabinet or could be given positions as principal secretaries?</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A. Well, this is something that I had already expounded on during the campaign. I had already presented myself as somebody who was open that there would be no restriction. Mr. Amed Afif for example who is a Muslim had already been named as the Minister of Finance in meeting, so basically I was saying this would be a government where there would be no discrimination and furthermore it was also very important for me to write to the Tamil community because there had been this notion that Ramkalawan and the SNP were xenophobes and that they hated foreigners, and given that the Tamil community is a big community that votes I thought it was my duty as a Politician campaigning to also seek their vote.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Q. Mr. Ramkalawan I put it to you that what you were doing, you were inducing the voters from the Tamil community to vote for you telling them that in return you would be given posts in your government, ministerial and principal secretarial post to members of the Tamil community.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:upper-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify"> </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Q. Mr. Ramkalawan with all due respect I am not insinuating that, what I am saying is that you were trying to induce these people to vote for you by promising, making promises of ministerial posts in your government to members of that community.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A. My Lords, election is about promises, so if I make a promise to the Tamil community is it not the same as making a promise to the elderly? Is it not the same as making a promise to young people? Is not the same as making other promises? This is what elections are all about…….</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Q. So you agree with me that you were inducing these people to vote for you on the promise of offering ministerial posts and principal secretarial post in your government to members of their community?</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A. So what? I mean this is my answer my Lords”</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act (Cap 68A); under which the Constitutional Court  had made a finding that the Petitioner had committed an illegal practice; states as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ul> <li class="rtejustify"> </li> </ul> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>directly or indirectly, by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, gives or procures or agrees to give or procure or to endeavour to procure, any office, place or employment to or for a voter, or to or for any person, in order to induce the voter to vote or refrain from voting, or corruptly does any such act aforesaid on account of the voter having voted or refrained from voting at an election;”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The part that is relevant to this case in section 45 of the Elections Act (Cap 68A) states as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ul> <li class="rtejustify"> </li> </ul> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify"><em>That an act or omission of a candidate or the agent of a candidate or any other person, which, but for this section, would be an illegal practice under this Act, has been done or made in good faith through inadvertence or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause of a like nature; or </em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify"><em>That upon taking into account all the relevant circumstances it would be just that the candidate, agent of the candidate or the other person should not be subject to any of the consequences under this Act for such act or omission,</em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>the Court may make an order allowing the act or omission, which would otherwise be an illegal practice under this Act, to be an exception to this Act and the candidate, agent or other person shall not be subject to the consequences under this Act in respect of the act or omission and the result obtained by the candidate shall not, by reason only of that act or omission, be declared to be void.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Section 47 of the Elections Act (Cap 68A) states as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“(1) At the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Constitutional Court shall report in writing to the Electoral Commission – </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify"><em>Whether an illegal practice has been proved to have been committed by a candidate or an agent of the candidate and the nature of the practice;</em></li> <li class="rtejustify"><em>The names and descriptions of all persons who have been proved at the trial to have been guilty of an illegal practice.</em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(2) Before making any report under subsection (1)(b) in respect of a person who is not a party to an election petition the Constitutional Court shall give the person an opportunity to be heard and to call evidence to show why the person should not be reported.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) When the Constitutional Court reports that an illegal practice has been committed by a person, the person is disqualified for a period of five years from the date of the report from being registered as a voter and from voting at an election or a referendum under this Act.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(4) The Electoral Commission shall cause the name of the person reported under subsection (1) to be removed from the register of voters of the electoral area where the person is registered as a voter.”          </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is clear that the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had made a finding against the Appellant under section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act,  solely on the basis of the promise to voters from the Tamil community in Seychelles that “Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries”, so as to induce them to vote for him or refrain from voting for the Second Respondent, as set out in the leaflet referred to at paragraph 6 above. It was ‘<strong>this</strong>’ statement according to the learned Judges that “was contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act”. Even the cross-examination of the Appellant by Counsel for the Second Respondent in relation to P15 had been restricted to the issue of ministerial appointments and appointments of principal secretaries. Also the examination-in-chief of the Second Respondent’s witness Mr. S Rajasundaram had been only on the issue of ministerial appointments. Section 51(3)(b) referred to at paragraph 8 above makes reference only to giving or procuring or agreeing to give or procure or to endeavouring to procure, <u>any office, place or employment</u>. Thus whatever other statements made in the leaflet have not been treated, and in my view correctly, as amounting to illegal practices by the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court. This is for the reason that none of those statements come within the purview of illegal practices in section 51(3) (a) to (q) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is therefore necessary to ascertain what was the basis of for the finding of the Constitutional Court against the Appellant under section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act. The reasoning is spelt out in the judgment: “Even if he was not intending to contravene the law, we view such acts especially by the leader of a political party to be reprehensible and irresponsible. We were particularly dismayed by his nonchalance and levity when challenged with the evidence, which he admitted.”</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The following elements had necessarily to be established before making a finding against the Appellant under section 51(3)(b), in relation to the facts of this case, namely:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:upper-roman"> <li class="rtejustify">That the Appellant,</li> <li class="rtejustify">corruptly,</li> <li class="rtejustify">agreed to give or procure or endeavoured to  procure,</li> <li class="rtejustify">any office or employment,</li> <li class="rtejustify">to a voter, or to or for any person,</li> <li class="rtejustify">in order to induce the voter to vote.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> In <strong>Barrow-in Furness, 4 O.M &amp; H77,</strong> it was held that “<em>there can be no corrupt practice without a corrupt intention</em>.” In <strong>Halsbury’s laws of England, 4<sup>th</sup> Ed</strong>, <strong>paragraph 684, foot note 11</strong>, the word ‘corruptly’ has been defined as: “<em>It imports  intention</em>, <strong>Wallingford case (1869) 1 O’M &amp; H 57</strong>. <em>It does not mean wickedly, immorally or dishonestly of that sort</em>, <strong>Bewdly case (1869) 1 O’M &amp; H 16,</strong> <em>but doing something knowing that it is wrong,</em> <strong>Bradford case No 2 (1869) 1 O’M &amp; H 37</strong>, <em>and doing it with the object and intention of doing that thing which the Statute intended to forbid,</em> <strong>Norfolk, Northern Division case (1869) 1 O’M &amp; H 236</strong>”. By stating in their judgment that “Even if he was not intending to contravene the law,” the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had erroneously omitted to consider one of the main elements of the offence, namely, ‘corruptly’, the mens rea of the offence. Further in stating that they doubted whether the Appellant intended to contravene the law, the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had contradicted their own statement at paragraph 425 of the judgment: “The elements of the illegal practice seem to include some mens rea in that the candidate……must have knowledge of the illegal practice.”.  It is my view that it is not a question of “seeming to include some mens rea” but positive proof of it.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> If the elements of section 51(3)(b) as itemized above are proved, a person commits the offence, regardless whether he is a leader of a political party or not. The fact that he is a leader of a political party does not in any way prove the offence save the fact that it may be considered in relation to the penalty to be imposed. Again the “nonchalance and levity when challenged with the evidence, which he (<em>Appellant</em>) admitted” is not an element of the offence and cannot be a basis for a finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">I have tried to research on cases similar to the facts of this case where a promise had been extended to members of a particular community in order to induce them to vote and have come across the Mauritian case of <strong>Ringadoo N R D V Jugnauth AK, 2007 SCJ 80, Record No. 90234</strong> which has a semblance of similarity. In that case Jugnauth, who was seeking re-election, had <u>falsely</u> made a statement to Muslim members of his constituency, four days before the poll, that the Government, of which he was a Minister at that time, had given free of charge a plot of land of 2 arpents adjoining Circonstance Cemetry with a view to providing additional space for the Muslim section of the cemetery, in order to induce them to vote for him. The Supreme Court of Mauritius held in that case: <em>“<u>The statement</u> of the respondent, some four days before the poll, <u>was no doubt misleading</u>. <u>Such misrepresentation </u>could not have been inadvertently but which we consider <u>was done with a corrupt motive as we can safely and reasonably infer having regards to all the prevailing circumstances</u>........<u>The misleading statement of the respondent constitutes nothing more than a corrupt practice of bribery to mislead and to influence the Muslim voters</u> of constituency no.8, which constitute 10% of the voters, to vote for his party. <u>It was an attempt to gratify the Muslim voters by inducing them to believe that the Government had donated land worth Rs 2 m for extension of the Muslim cemetery, <strong>when that was not the case</strong>.</u></em>” Thus it is the falsity of the statement, which was a misrepresentation of facts and which was misleading the voters, that was considered as amounting to a corrupt motive in this case. Further there were no qualifications added to that statement nor was the donation of land subjected to any conditions. Also this was a promise that would have benefitted all the Muslim members of constituency no 8.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the case before us there was no allegation from the Second Respondent that the statement “Those who are <u>‘eligible’</u> from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries”; was false, misleading or a misrepresentation or was not meant to be fulfilled by the Appellant. In fact it had been the Appellant’s testimony before the Court: “so basically I was saying this would be a government where there would be no discrimination”.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The words: <em>“agreed to give or procure or endeavoured to procure....any office or employment”</em> in section 51(3)(b) necessarily connotes a definitive offer of office or employment and not one to which the Promissor has added a qualification, namely “those who are eligible”. Further it is something that should be within the sole competence of the Promissor to give and not one such which would need the approval of another person, body or authority. In the case of appointment of Ministers, the President has to, in view of the provisions of article 69(2) of the Constitution; obtain the approval of a majority of the members of the National Assembly. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In my view it was mandatory for the Constitutional Court, even if they were of the view that an illegal practice had been committed by the Appellant; in view of the provisions in section 45(4) of the Elections Act, to consider ex proprio motu, whether such act had been done or made <em>“<strong><u>in good faith</u></strong> <strong><u>through inadvertence</u></strong> or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause of a like nature; or that <strong><u>upon taking into account all the relevant circumstances</u></strong>”</em> it would be just that the Appellant was not disenfranchised. Counsel for the 2<sup>nd</sup> Respondent had conceded to this in his Skeleton Heads of Argument at 2.6 when he said: “It is clear from a reading of section 47(1), that <u>the Constitutional Court <strong>has an obligation, subject to section 45(4) of the Act</strong></u>, to make the report in terms of the said section 47(1)”. Thus Counsel’s argument at 4.4 that “Furthermore, both in his written submissions and closing address, Mr. George did not raise argument that could have rendered section 45(4) applicable in respect of the illegal practice committed by the Appellant”; becomes meaningless. A reading of the judgment shows that the Constitutional Court had not considered any of the matters set out in section 45(4) of the Elections Act. It is clear that the Constitutional Court had not considered the following:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">The reason given by the Appellant for making the statement, namely that “There is a strong rumour that I will send all Tamil people out of this country and it is a wrong message and I completely deny as rumour” and again “....it was also very important for me to write to the Tamil community because there had been this notion that Ramkalawan and the SNP were xenophobes and that they hated foreigners,...” It was incumbent upon the Court to assess the testimony of the Appellant in this regard, especially because it had not been challenged by any of the Respondents, and give their reasons for accepting or rejecting the testimony of the Appellant.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">That according to article 69(2) of the Constitution, the appointment of Ministers is subject to the approval of a majority of the members of the National Assembly. This had to be considered in the light of the political broadcast attributed to Dr. Herminie, the Speaker of the National Assembly as referred to at paragraph 444 of the judgment, that if the Appellant were to win the elections there might be a risk of his (reference here is to the Appellant) Ministers, not being appointed as the National Assembly were filled with members of the Second Respondent’s party; and the pronouncement of the Constitutional Court itself at paragraph 446 that Dr. Herminie’s remarks, <u>correctly stated,</u> the consequences of the law, should the Appellant have been elected.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">That all that the Appellant had stated was “Those who are <u>eligible</u> from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries”.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">That none of the other statements in P 15 referred to at paragraph 5 above, come within the purview of illegal practices in section 51(3) (a) to (q) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Constitutional Court’s own statement at paragraph 474 of the judgment referred to at paragraph 4 above, that the acts of the Petitioner had not affected the results of the elections in any way.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify"><u>The pronouncement by the Constitutional Court, at paragraph 469</u> of the judgment, that the announcement of the Government to pay all Seychellois employees, of the Indian Ocean Tuna Limited (a company in which the Government is a shareholder), earning less than SR 15,000 monthly, a thirteenth month incentive salary, just before the second round of elections, in the context of an election year <u>amounted to ‘electioneering’</u>. It would be in my view contradictory to treat that as ‘electioneering’ and the statement of the Petitioner to place those eligible Tamil and Indian origin people in suitably placed positions as an ‘illegal practice’.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> I am also of the view that the making of the statement “Those who are <u>eligible</u> from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries”, has been addressed to a community at large, with qualifications attached to it. According to the Second Respondent’s witness Mr. S. Rajasundaram the promise had been to the world at large and does not personalise anyone<u>. <strong>In my view this statement in P15 by a Presidential candidate, does not certainly amount to an illegal practice.</strong></u> It had been the position of the Appellant that <u>Tamils and people of Indian origin are also Seychellois</u> and should not be discriminated against and left out of Government. I cannot lose sight of the fact that the Preamble to the Constitution states:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ul> <li class="rtejustify"> </li> </ul> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>RECOGNISING the inherent dignity and the <u>equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family</u> as the foundation for freedom, justice, welfare, fraternity, peace and unity:</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>REAFFIRMING that these rights include the rights of the individual to life, liberty and <u>the pursuit of happiness free from all types of discrimination</u>;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>EXERCISING our natural and inalienable right to a framework of Government which shall secure for ourselves and posterity <u>the blessings......equality of opportunity</u></em>;”</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is in that context that the Appellant’s testimony before the Court in cross examination, that he will not discriminate and leave Seychellois of Indian or Tamil origin out of government “and <u>that everybody should have a place in this country</u>”, should be considered.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">At paragraph 474 of the judgment the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had stated: “Even if he was not intending to contravene the law, we view such <u>acts</u> especially by the leader of a political party to be reprehensible and irresponsible.” At the very outset I am at a loss to understand how the making of <u>the</u> statement “Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries”, can amount to “<u>acts</u>” and be reprehensible and irresponsible. It appears that the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court have taken into consideration other extraneous matters in reaching their conclusion.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had also stated at paragraph 474 of the judgment: “We were particularly dismayed by his nonchalance and levity when challenged with the evidence, which he admitted.” The Learned Judge’s comment about the Appellant’s ‘nonchalance and levity’ when challenged with the evidence in regard to the promise of offering ministerial posts, is due to his response “<strong>So what?</strong>”; as argued by Counsel for the Appellant at the hearing and found in the record of proceedings under cross-examination by Counsel for the Second Respondent and referred to at paragraph 7 above. A report under section 47 of the Elections Act to have the Appellant’s name struck of the register of voters should be made on a proper assessment of the provisions of section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act and the contested statement and not on the basis of the “nonchalance and levity” of the Appellant when challenged with the evidence at the trial. If the Appellant’s demeanour bordered on contempt he could have been separately dealt with for that. The Appellant’s “nonchalance and levity” may also be understood to mean that he genuinely believed that the statement in the leaflet that “Those who are <u>eligible</u> from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries” did not amount to an illegal practice and one that he as a Presidential candidate, could validly make. This goes to show the lack of a ‘corrupt intention’ on the part of the Appellant, which is an essential element of the offence under section 51(3)(b). As stated at paragraph 14 above in order to prove a corrupt intention it must be shown that the Appellant had “done something knowing that it is wrong” or done it “with the object and intention of doing that thing which the statute intended to forbid”. This also brings in the element of “good faith” referred to in section 45(4)(a) of the Elections Act and as set out in paragraph 9 above. ‘Good faith’ is an abstract and comprehensive term that encompasses a sincere belief or motive without any malice or the desire to defraud others.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Elections Act provides for two instances when a name of a person shall be removed from the register of voters, namely under section 47(4) when the Constitutional Court reports that an illegal practice has been committed at the conclusion of a trial of an election petition and where a person is convicted of committing an illegal practice in accordance with the provisions of section 52(2). The learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had been acting under the provisions of section 47(1)(b) of the Elections Act referred to at  paragraph 10 above, when they said: “We are obliged to make a report on this matter to the Electoral Commission in terms of striking his name off the register of voters”. Section 47(1)(b) makes reference to a person who has been proved at the trial of an Election Petition <em>“to have been guilty of an illegal practice”</em> to be reported to the Electoral Commission. The Constitutional Court had adopted the civil standard of proof, which is proof on a balance of probabilities, in coming to the finding that the Appellant is guilty of an illegal practice, as evidenced by paragraph 412 of the judgment. It therefore becomes necessary to examine the standard of proof necessary before making a decision to report a person to the Electoral Commission on the basis that an illegal practice has been proved to be committed.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The learned Judges of the Constitutional Court have correctly raised this issue at paragraph 376 of their judgment as follows: “However, there has been much jurisprudential and statutory development with regard to quasi-criminal cases (which are cases where the Court is required to make a finding, in the course of a civil trial, on an act which also constitutes a criminal act under the same or another law)” and given due consideration to it in paragraphs 387 – 412 of their judgment.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It will be useful to make reference to certain passages of the judgment of the Constitutional Court as much research has gone into it.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“[387] What weight should the court put on the material facts placed before it? The issue is problematic arising from the nature of evidence in election cases and the vocabulary used in the Act. Sections 44 (7) (b) and 47 (1) (a) and (b) contain the words <em>illegal practice</em> and <em>guilty of an illegal practice.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[388] The use of such phrases usually associated with criminal trials in the provisions above is at odds with section 45 (1) of the Act which provides:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>The trial of an Election Petition, shall, subject to this Act, be held in the same manner as</em> <em>a trial before the Supreme Court in its original civil jurisdiction</em>. (Emphasis ours)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[389]More problematic is the fact that the Election Petition brought by the Petitioner alleges both non-compliance with the Act (section 44(7) (a)) and illegal practices (section 47((b)). While it is evident that the standard of proof in relation to the former should clearly be that of civil cases, <u>in the case of the latter the standard may be that of criminal cases.</u></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[390] <u>Hence, while section 45(1) provides that election Petitions are private legal processes, sections 44 and 47 import a criminal element in terms of a finding of illegal practice by a particular person.</u> It is for this reason that the Respondents’ Counsel have argued that considering the public interest in identifying and remedying electoral malpractice, the civil standard of proof may not be appropriate. In the case of <em>Ogilvy Berlouis  and anor v Holden Pierre and ors</em> (1974)SLR 221, although it was argued that the trial of an Election Petition was conducted in the same way as that of a civil trial, Souyave CJ was of the view that a higher standard of proof was required. Relying on Hansard he stated that in such cases the court had to “be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt or, in other words, be fully satisfied that the election is void before upsetting it.”</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[393] Having reviewed the above authorities in the case of <em>In Re B (Children) (Fc)</em> [2008] UKHL 35, Lord Hoffmann stated:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>I think that the time has come to say, once and for all, that there is only one civil standard of proof and that is proof that the fact in issue more probably occurred than not. I do not intend to disapprove any of the cases in what I have called the first category, but I agree with the observation of Lord Steyn in McCann’s case (at 812) that clarity would be greatly enhanced if the courts said simply that although the proceedings were civil, the nature of the particular issue involved made it appropriate to apply the criminal standard.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[397] In the UK the issue was raised in <em>R v Rowe ex parte Mainwaring and Others</em> [1992] 1 WLR 1059 and the Court found that it must apply the criminal standard of proof, namely proof beyond reasonable doubt. This was reaffirmed in <em>Simmons v Khan</em> [2008] EWHC B4 (QB) in respect of the standard of proof against the Respondent and his agents for the corrupt or illegal practices and for general corruption but the civil standard of proof was applied to the question of whether the general corruption may reasonably be supposed to have affected the result of the election.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ul> <li class="rtejustify">398]Lately, in <em>Erlam &amp;Ors v Rahman &amp; Anor</em> (The Tower Hamlets case supra), the Court stated:</li> </ul> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>There was no controversy at the hearing about the standard of proof the court must apply to the charges of corrupt and illegal practices. It is settled law that the court must apply the criminal standard of proof, namely proof beyond reasonable doubt. This was definitively decided by the Court of Appeal in R v Rowe, ex parte Mainwaring, a decision binding on this court.</em>(paragraph 47)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It must be noted that in the UK as in the Seychelles at the end of an Election Petition alleging corrupt or illegal practices, the court decides whether a person is guilty of such practices<u>. It is only in terms of these practices that the criminal burden of proof applies</u>.”</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Having made references to several other authorities from the UK, Mauritius, Ghana, Zambia, Uganda and Kenya; the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court have in their judgment also considered the following matters:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“[405] However, elections in Seychelles are a civil matter, even if there are some findings of criminal activity involved. As we have pointed out the Act does contain criminal law phraseology but <u>the provisions also envisage two distinct processes- one in terms of voiding elections and the other in terms of reporting persons to the Electoral Commission for committing illegal practices with the possibility of the Electoral Commission striking the person off the electoral register.</u> In the case of the latter, such a report by the Court may not be made until those persons are given an opportunity to be heard and to have evidence called to show why they should not be reported. We are not at this stage engaged in the latter process although we are obliged by the provisions of the Act to undertake this exercise.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[406] The Act also, separately to the Election Petition process, provides for offences which may be prosecuted by the Attorney General with penalties of up to three years imprisonment and fines of up to SR20,000.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">At paragraph 412 of the judgment having considered the standard of proof at length the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had come to the following conclusion:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“In our view this raises important questions about the threshold of proof that should be applied in presidential election disputes and how it should be discharged. <u>We have <strong>‘given anxious consideration’</strong> to these issues</u> <u>and have come to the conclusion that given all the different considerations above <strong>it is</strong> the civil standard of proof, that is <strong>proof on a balance of probabilities, that should be applied when considering</strong> whether an election is void by reason of non-compliance with the provisions of the Act and, or<strong> the commission of illegal practices</strong></u>.” (emphasis added by me)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In my view the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court appear to have vacillated in the course of their reasoning as to the standard of proof to be applied in relation to the commission of illegal practices, especially before making a report under section 47 of the Elections Act. This is to be seen in the underlined portions of their judgment at paragraphs 389, 390, 398, 405 and 407 referred to above. The adoption of the civil standard of proof in coming to a finding against the Appellant was erroneous, and thus the finding that the Appellant had been proved at the trial to have been guilty of an illegal practice becomes faulty. <u>It is my firm belief that even on the application of the civil standard of proof, which is proof on a balance of probabilities, a case against the Appellant, has not been proved under section 47 of the Elections Act.</u></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had fallen into this error as a result of a misreading of section 45 of the Elections Act, which they had quoted at paragraph 379 of the judgment, and which is to the effect: “<em><u>The trial of an Election Petition</u>, shall subject to this Act, be held in the <u>same manner as a trial before the Supreme Cour</u>t <u>in its original civil jurisdiction</u>.</em>”<a name="_GoBack" id="_GoBack"></a>Their misreading of section 45 have led them to conclude at paragraph 380 of the judgment “<u>Since the Act states that it is the civil rules of evidence that applies</u> in cases involving Election Petitions...”. Firstly nowhere in the Elections Act is it stated that “it is the civil rules of evidence that applies”. In saying what they said at paragraph 380 referred to above they have also contradicted their earlier statement at paragraph 375 of the judgment, i.e. “Unfortunately, neither the Constitution <u>nor its attendant legislation</u> provide for these evidential processes (<em>burden and standard of proof referred to in paragraph 375</em>) in Election Petitions”. It is my view; ‘jurisdiction’ and ‘rules of evidence’ are two completely different matters. Jurisdiction is given by law to a court to try cases and rule on legal matters within a particular geographic area and/or over certain types of legal cases. According to <strong>Halsbury’s Laws of England 4<sup>th</sup> Edition Vol. 10- Paragraph <em>715 </em></strong><em>“ ‘Jurisdiction’ is the authority which a court has to decide matters that are litigated before it or to take cognizance of matters presented in a formal way for its decision”</em>. ‘Rules of evidence’ govern how courts evaluate the various forms of proof at a trial. The <strong>Seychelles Code of Civil Procedure (Cap 213)</strong> which sets out the procedure pertaining to trials in civil cases does not contain any provisions pertaining to the standard of proof in civil cases. In the case of <strong><em>In Re B (Children) (Fc)</em> [2008] UKHL 35,  Lord Hoffmann</strong> stated:<em> “I agree with the observation of Lord Steyn in McCann’s case (at 812) that clarity would be greatly enhanced if the courts said simply that although the proceedings were civil, the nature of the particular issue involved made it appropriate to apply the criminal standard.” </em>This goes to show that the trial of an Election Petition although held in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original civil jurisdiction, it is the criminal standard of proof that should be applied when making a finding under section 47(1) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The learned Judges of the Constitutional Court although concerned that “whilst persons found to have been involved in electoral malpractice may face serious consequences, including being disqualified from participation in future elections and/or prosecution and imprisonment” have failed to give due regard to the fact that making a report under section 47 of the Elections Act would necessarily lead to the deprivement of a fundamental right of the Appellant that is enshrined and entrenched in article 24(1) of  the Constitution, namely,  <em>“to be registered as a voter for the purpose of and to vote……at public elections…….and to be elected to public office”</em>. Fundamental rights are so sacrosanct under the Seychellois Charter of Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms, that the Constitution provides that when a person invokes the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court claiming that a provision of the Charter has been or is likely to be contravened in relation to him and establishes a prima facie case; the burden of proving that there has not been a contravention or risk of contravention shall, where the allegation is against the State, be on the State. I am firmly of the view that the consequences of a report under section 47 of the Elections Act, which leads to the deprivement of a fundamental right of a person, is another reason for applying the higher standard of proof, namely one ‘beyond a reasonable doubt’. I do not find any reference been made to article 24 in the judgment.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">  I am of the view that disqualification of a person on the basis of a report under section 47 or on the basis of a conviction for an offence of illegal practice of the Elections Act is a permitted derogation of the right to vote and is in accordance with article 24(2) of the Constitution because the Elections Act meets the yard stick set out in article 24(2), namely, the disqualification is in accordance with a “a law necessary in a democratic society”. It is this same principle, that disqualification under section 47(1) of the Elections Act should be ‘only where it is  necessary’; that has been somewhat incorporated into section 45(4) of the Elections Act by stating that where the Constitutional Court at a trial of an Election Petition finds that an  act or omission would be an illegal practice; yet, if it appears to the Court that such act or omission had <em>“been done or made in good faith through inadvertence or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause of a like nature; or that upon taking into account all the relevant circumstances it would be just that... the person”</em> is not subject to a disqualification.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had erred in saying at paragraph 407 of their judgment: “……<u>it is not up to the Constitutional Court to ‘convict persons’ or ‘impose any criminal penalties’</u> at this stage. <u>We may only report</u>.” It is my view that when a report is made under section 47(1) of the Elections Act (see paragraph 10 above); <em>“at the conclusion of the trial of an election petition”</em> <strong><u>a person stands convicted</u></strong>, since he has <em>“been proved at the trial to have been guilty of an illegal practice”</em>. ‘Illegal practice is one of the offences set out in section 51(3)(b) read with section 51(1)(l)of the Elections Act. The word ‘conviction’ has been defined in <strong>Osborn’s Concise Law Dictionary (9<sup>th</sup> edition)</strong> as <em>“The finding of a person guilty of an offence after trial”</em> and in <strong>Black’s Law Dictionary (9<sup>th</sup> edition)</strong> as <em>“The act or process of judicially finding someone guilty of a crime; the state of having been proved guilty.”</em> Further section 47(3) states: <em>“When the Constitutional Court reports that an illegal practice has been committed by a person, the person is disqualified for a period of five years from the date of the report from being registered as a voter and from voting at an election…”</em> Section 47(4) states: <em>“The Electoral Commission shall cause the name of the person reported under subsection (1) to be removed from the register of voters of the electoral area where the person is registered as a voter.”</em> <u>Disqualification from voting is set out as <strong>a penalty</strong> in section 52(2) of the Elections Act</u>. The Constitutional Court erred when they said at paragraph 405 of the judgment referred to at paragraph 26 above, that the Elections Act contained provisions for “reporting persons to the Electoral Commission for committing illegal practices <u>with the possibility</u> of the Electoral Commission striking the person off the electoral register”, because no discretion is given by the Elections Act to the Electoral Commission in striking off the name of a person from the electoral register in view of the provisions of section 47(4) of the Act referred to earlier. Had the Constitutional Court not erred in regard to these matters they would have concluded that the standard of proof in an election petition should be that of the criminal standard, namely one beyond a reasonable doubt.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Article 114(1)(b) of the Constitution states: <em>“A person who is a citizen of Seychelles and has attained the age of eighteen years is entitled to be registered as a voter unless the person is disqualified from registration under an Act on the ground of <u>criminality</u>.”</em> A finding of criminality can be reached only when a person has been found guilty of a crime/offence. This becomes clear when one reads section 51(3)(b) referred to at paragraph 8 above along with section 51(1)(l) which states <em>“A person who commits an illegal practice in connection with a Presidential Election or a National Assembly Election <u>is guilty of an offence</u>.”</em> Again section 47 (1) (b) of the Elections Act referred to at paragraph 10 above make reference to <em>“persons who have been proved at the trial to have been <u>guilty</u> of an illegal practice”.</em> In the circumstances the meaning attributed to ‘guilty’ in<strong> Black’s law Dictionary, 9<sup>th</sup> Edition</strong> is applicable, namely, <em>“responsible for a crime”</em>. A finding of guilt against a person could be reached only when a case against such person has been proved beyond a reasonable doubt, which is the standard of proof necessarily to be adopted in a criminal case.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It would also be erroneous to have two separate standards of proof for disqualification, namely the standard of proof of ‘beyond reasonable doubt’ under section 52(2) and a standard of proof ‘on a balance of probabilities’ under section 47 of the Elections Act. Having two separate standards of proof would not only be discriminatory of those who are dealt with under section 52(2) and section 47 of the Elections Act, but militate against the Right to Equal Protection of the Law, which is enshrined and entrenched in article 27 of the Constitution. Article 27 states: <em>“Every person has a right to equal protection of the law including the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms set out in this charter without discrimination on any ground except as is necessary in a democratic society.”</em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">I would also like to comment on paragraph 525 of the judgment.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ul> <li class="rtejustify">525] Nevertheless, the Court is under a duty to report incidences of illegal practices in terms of section 47 (1) to the Electoral Commission. Our report will be based on the totality of the evidence in this case. Where persons have not had an opportunity to be heard in defence of these illegal practices they will be given an opportunity to be heard in terms of section 47(2) of the Act. <u>The Court is however not obliged to make such report public. Moreover it would be improper to discuss the contents of this report in this judgment</u>.” (emphasis added by me)</li> </ul> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In this case the Constitutional Court has already made a finding that the Appellant had been proved at the trial to have committed and thus guilty of an illegal practice at paragraphs 473 and 474 of the judgment as referred to at paragraph 4 above after an assessment of “the totality of the evidence in this case”. As per the judgment of the Constitutional Court there was nothing more that could have been added to this finding and nothing more left to be done so far as the Appellant is concerned, save that of forwarding the judgment to the Electoral Commission for necessary action under section 47(4) of the Elections Act. The judgment is in fact the ‘Report’ and the judgment and its contents is now public knowledge. Once the Constitutional Court reports to the Electoral Commission, that an illegal practice has been committed under section 47(1) of the Elections Act the consequences set out in section 47(3) automatically flow and it is mandatory to the Electoral Commission to cause the name of the person reported to be removed from the register of voters. I also fail to understand the last two sentences of paragraph 525 as it amounts to a contravention of articles 19(8) and 19(9) of the Constitution. Article 19(8) states:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“......all proceedings of every court and proceedings for the determination of the existence or extent of any civil right or obligation before any court or other authority, including the announcement of the decision of the court or other authority, shall be held in public.”</em> Article 19(9) further substantiates this when it specifies that the public cannot be excluded from “<em>the announcement of the decision of the court”. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">As regards ground 1(a) of appeal, I am of the view that in view of the provisions of section 47 of the Elections Act referred to at paragraph 10 above there is no requirement for any party to an Election Petition to have prayed that the petitioner should be dealt with under section 47 of the Elections Act for committing an illegal practice. This is an obligation cast on the Constitutional Court taking into consideration the provisions in section 45(4) of the Elections Act as referred to at paragraph 9 above. I therefore dismiss this ground of appeal.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">As regards ground 1(b) of appeal,  I am of the view that section 47(2) of the Elections Act, which states: “Before making any report under subsection (1)(b) in respect of a person who is not a party to an election petition the Constitutional Court <u>shall</u> give the person an opportunity to be heard and to call evidence to show why the person should not be reported”; (emphasis added by me); cannot be interpreted to mean that in the case of a party to an election petition; there is no need for a warning to such party that he risked being penalised for having committed an illegal practice and giving him an opportunity of being heard thereon.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The principle of interpretation <strong>‘<em>Expressio Unis Est Exclusio Alterius</em>’,</strong> namely, the express mention of one person or thing implies the exclusion of other persons or things; <em>“is not a rule of law but a rule of construction. It is a product of logic and common-sense and ought to be applied with care and caution so that a rational interpretation is produced…..”</em> (<strong>Ishar Singh &amp; Sons V Market Committee, Tarn Taran 59 PLR 631</strong>). It was held in <strong>Calcutta Tpt Society V State Punjab AIR 1962 Punj 94</strong> that <em>“The rule of exclusion, as is well known, is merely an auxiliary rule of construction adopted for the purpose of ascertaining the intention of the law-giver. It is neither conclusive nor of universal application and is to be applied with great caution. It may be applied only when in the natural association of ideas, the contrast between what is provided and what is left out leads to an inference that the latter was intended to be excluded; it may accordingly be held inapplicable if there exists a plausible reason for not including what is left out.”</em> In <strong>Colquhoun V Brooks (1888) 12 QBD 52, Lopes LJ in the Court of Appeal</strong> said: <em>“The maxim expression est unis exclusion alterius is often a valuable servant, but a dangerous master to follow in the construction of statutes or documents. The exclusion is often the result of inadvertence or accident, and <u>the maxim ought not to be applied, when its application, having regard to the subject matter to which it is to be applied, leads to inconsistency or injustice.</u>”</em> (emphasis added by me) I would also add that the specific reference in section 47(2), only to ‘a person who is not a party’, may be ‘<strong><em>ex abundant cautela</em></strong>’.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is my view that section 47 of the Elections Act has to be considered as a penal provision when read along with sections 51(3)(b), 51(1)(l) and 52(2) of the said Act. This brings into focus another accepted canon of interpretation, namely that a penal provision should be construed in the case of doubt for the benefit of the defendant.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Counsel for the Second Respondent in his Skeleton Heads of Arguments has argued in relation to ground 1(b) of the appeal that:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-roman"> <li class="rtejustify">the Appellant had been “represented by two of the most competent and able lawyers in our jurisdiction and he ought to have been advised by his lawyers of the risks of being penalized for having committed an illegal practice,</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-roman"> <li class="rtejustify">as a matter of fact in terms of section 47(1), the Appellant ought to have been aware of such a risk. The maxim that ignorance of the law is no defence (ignorantia juris non excusat) is very much applicable in the present case, and</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-roman"> <li class="rtejustify">the Appellant chose not to counter the allegation while testifying under cross-examination and re-examination, or by bringing in evidence prior to closing his case.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">If the Counsel’s argument in relation to the Appellant having been represented by competent lawyers is to be regarded as having any substance, then a need for appeal would not arise in most cases where competent lawyers have appeared before the original court.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> In my view the issue in this case was not one of ignorance of the law, but ignorance of the Appellant, that the Constitutional Court would, at the conclusion of the trial, decide to act against him under section 47(1) of the Elections Act, without any notice to him and without taking into consideration section 45(4) of the Elections Act and his evidence. It is clear from pages 1502 and 1503 of the Court of Appeal record that the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court even at the conclusion of the submissions of all Counsel at the end of the hearing of the election petition had not given any indication that they were going to act under section 47(1)(b) of the Elections Act. In fact it had been to the contrary when one examines the dialogue between the Bench and the Bar.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“Court....: If the Court were to find there were illegal practices of both sides how would you like to treat that?</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Mr. Georges: ...It is not the petitioner’s intention or desire that any illegal practices should be referred to the electoral commission with a view to action being taken. That is not what we set out to do......</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Court....: <u>My question is as to the ‘<strong>result of the election</strong></u>’.”</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In making this pronouncement the Court had clearly indicated that the issue of illegal practice would be considered only so far as the result and voiding the election under section 44 (7) of the Elections Act and not to disqualify any candidate under section 47(1)(b) of the Elections Act. It is therefore no surprise that Counsel for the Appellant argued before us at the hearing that the disqualification of the Appellant had “hit him as a meteorite”.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> This is in my view an ignorance of a fact and not law. Further the doctrine ‘ignorantia juris non excusat’ comes into application when a person is charged with an offence. In this case it is the position of the Appellant that the Court erred in making the finding against the Appellant, “given that it had not been the subject of any plea by the Respondents”. In <strong>Black’s Law Dictionary, 9<sup>th</sup> edition</strong> the doctrine ‘ignorantia juris non excusat’ is defined as follows:“Lack of knowledge about a legal requirement or prohibition is never an excuse <u>to a criminal charge</u>.”</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the application of this doctrine of ‘ignorantia juris non excusat’ a court has to be mindful of the distinction between crimes which are ‘malum in se’ i.e. self-evident wrongs (for example murder, rape and robbery) and ‘malum prohibitum’, i.e. crimes that are not inherently wrong but crimes because they are prohibited by law. It is my view that the doctrine that ignorance of the law is no excuse works only when a person has knowledge of the crime he commits and has the necessary mens rea, and in this case, a corrupt intention. These are matters the Constitutional Court had to necessarily take into consideration before coming to a finding against the Appellant in view of the provisions of section 45(4) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> In the case of <strong>McCrory V Hendron and another (1993) Northern Ireland Law Reports (NI) 177</strong> it was said: <em>“However, the 1983 Act, as its predecessors did, permits an election court to give relief in certain circumstances to an elected candidate and/or election agent who has been guilty of illegal practices. Some of these circumstances may amount to what the 1983 Act names as <u>authorised excuses</u>,...........or that the acts and omissions complained of were due to inadvertence on their part. It would seem that the wide discretion given to a court to grant relief is an acknowledgement of the burden of compliance which the technical and complex nature of some of the statutory requirements imposes. This was the view expressed by Vaughan Williams J when dealing with Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act 1883, a statute of similar pattern and provisions to the present. He said in Stepney Case, Rashmere V Isaacson (1892) day 116 at 124: It is quite true that the Act lays down most stringent rules as to the conduct of candidates: it may be said that these rules go so far into detail as to <strong>make it very difficult for either the candidate or his election agent to go through an election without in some way or other transgressing against the multifarious provisions of these Acts.</strong> But the answer to this is that the Act takes every possible care by the 22<sup>nd</sup> and 23<sup>rd</sup> sections that no candidate who has tried his best to conduct his election purely and fairly shall suffer thereby. First as to illegal practices, the 23<sup>rd</sup> section enables us, in cases where we think that the illegal practice has been done through inadvertence and in good faith, to wipe out the transaction altogether, so that it shall not be considered at all when one comes to deal with the question of whether the seat is to be avoided or not”</em>.(emphasis added by me) The exercise of discretion in my view should be much wider when it comes to the disqualification of a candidate, and more so one, who is challenging the validity of the election of the one who is elected; on the ground of illegal practices on the part of the one elected. The Constitutional Court itself had been, at paragraph 469 of the judgment, struggling as to how to deal with the issue of the promise of the thirteenth month salary incentive when they said: “Both candidates had assured them a thirteenth month salary incentive......The acts of both candidates in this context in an election year amount to electioneering.” Thus the difference between ‘electioneering’ and ‘illegal practice’ when it comes to promise of incentives and employment is a difficult one to make.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The meaning of the word ‘inadvertence’ found in section 45(4)(a) of the Elections Act and the question whether ‘ignorance of the law’ may be “inadvertence” had been considered in the case of<strong> McCrory V Hendron (1993) NI 177</strong> in relation to the word ‘inadvertence’ found in section 167(2) of the   Representation of the Peoples Act 1983 of Northern Ireland. In that case <strong>Kelly LJ</strong> said relying on <strong>Nichol V Fearby (1923) 1 KB 480</strong> <em>“In my view the word “inadvertent” may be used according to our jus et norma loquendi as indicating either a negligent act, as distinguished  from a careful act, or as <u>indicating an unintentional, as distinguished from an intentional act.</u> In my own view it is clear that ignorance of the law may fall within the word “inadvertence”</em>. <em>In <strong>Ex P Walker (1889) 22 QBD 384,</strong> the Court of Appeal held and in my view unmistakeably held, that ignorance of the law may be “inadvertence”</em>. The same view was upheld in <strong>Finch and another V Richardson (2009) 1 WLR 1338</strong>. The Constitutional Court appears to have been of the view that the disputed statement of the Appellant was unintentional, when they said at paragraph 474 of the judgment: “Even if he was not intending to contravene the law”.           </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> It is my view that the Appellant had countered the allegation under cross-examination and the Constitutional Court had erred in failing to consider that evidence, in determining whether the Appellant had in fact committed an illegal practice under section 51(3)(b), taking into consideration section 45(4) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> In view of the serious consequences that flow from making a Report to the Electoral Commission it was incumbent on the Constitutional Court to have put the Petitioner on notice and given him an opportunity of being heard, when he was testifying. Otherwise it would be a breach of the fundamental right enshrined and entrenched in article 19(7) of the Constitution which necessarily overrides any law and which states: <em>“Any court or other authority required or empowered by law to determine the existence of any civil right or obligation shall be established by law and shall be independent and impartial; and where proceedings for such determination are instituted by any person before such a court or other authority the case <u>shall be given a fair hearing</u> within a reasonable time.”</em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the given circumstances I am in agreement with the Appellant’s Heads of Argument when he states: “It cannot be just for a person to bring a case seeking annulment of an election and end up being the one who is sanctioned……If he has to meet a challenge, that challenge must be spelt out and the consequences pleaded.” I therefore allow ground 1(b) of appeal.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> For the reasons enumerated in my judgment I hold with the Appellant in respect of grounds 1 (c) and 3 of appeal and allow those grounds of appeal.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In respect of ground 2 of appeal I hold with the Appellant that the Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act, in that it failed to appreciate that the newsletter had not made any definite promise to any voter, had not been specific as to a voter or voters, and had not offered to procure any office in exchange for a vote, save the stipulation as to vote for the Appellant. Since the stipulation to vote for the Appellant read in conjunction of the promise of appointments, did not satisfy the elements of section 51(3)(b) as stated above, it is of no consequence. I therefore allow the appeal on this ground.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">I therefore allow the appeal on grounds 1(b), 1(c), 2 and 3, reverse the finding of the Constitutional Court that an illegal practice had been committed by the Appellant and quash the decision of the Constitutional Court in that regard.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:upper-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify"><strong>Fernando (J.A)</strong></li> <li class="rtejustify"><strong>I concur:.      ..........................                      F. Robinson (J.A)</strong></li> </ol> <p> </p> </div> <div class="views-element-container"><div class="view view-eva view-download-conditional view-id-download_conditional view-display-id-entity_view_1 js-view-dom-id-5a350d9ee5fae8d0785f3ff87bc5c0f007f3e629775577e7be6ab3a266932b08"> <div><div class="views-field views-field-views-conditional-field"><span class="field-content"><p> </p> <div> <p><strong>JUDGMENT</strong></p> <p> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>S. Domah (J.A)</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On 3, 4 and 5 December 2015, Seychelles held its first round in its latest quinquennial election for the choice of its ensuing President. As per the Constitution, if any from the number of the candidates secured more than 50% of the votes, he is declared elected, failing which the process goes through a second ballot between the best two. As it happened at the end of the 3-day process, no candidate reached that ceiling. The country was then set for a second round on 16, 17 and 18 December 2015. It was the first time it had happened in the history of Seychelles. The two contestants were Respondent No. 2, Mr James Alix Michel, the President in post; and the Appellant, Mr Wavel John Charles Ramkalawon, the Opposition Leader. It was a notoriously close contest and the whole country waited with bated breaths for the announcement of the results which came out late in the night of 18 December. The Appellant, the Opposition leader had missed it by a narrow margin of 193 votes.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Unhappy with the outcome, Appellant filed a petition against the Electoral Commission, the elected President and the Attorney-General before the Constitutional Court.  In his view, rightly or wrongly, he would have carried the day but for the electoral malpractices.   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">He averred eleven (11) acts of illegal practice. The Respondents denied all the allegations and Respondent no. 2 went an extra mile. He averred in his defence that it was the appellant, then petitioner, who has been guilty of illegal practice within the meaning of section 51(3)(b) of the Election Act. At the end of a long hearing spanning over a couple of weeks and comprising a host of witnesses, a heap of documents and over 1,500 pages of transcript,  the Court comprising Chief Justice M. Twomey, C. McKee J. and D. Akiiki-Kiiza J.  delivered a judgment of 131 pages.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">They  found: <ol> <li> the acts of illegal practice not proved against the elected President;</li> <li>a number of others mentioned in the case needed to be summoned and were summoned to answer allegations of illegal practice;</li> <li>the allegation made by Respondent No. 2 proved against the Appellant on the facts and his own statement.  </li> </ol> </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Section 47(1) of the Elections Act provides that, at the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Constitutional Court shall report in writing to the Electoral Commissioner its finding under section 51(3)(b), the end result of which is that he is disqualified from voting for a period of 5 years. The Court stayed the order of reporting the Appellant on his application pending the determination of the appellate Court.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This Appeal against the decision of the Constitutional Court canvasses the following grounds:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act without:</p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Any party to the petition having prayed for any relief in respect of the alleged illegal practice;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Warning the Petitioner that he risked being penalised for having committed an illegal practice and giving him an opportunity of being heard thereon otherwise than to counter a mere allegation raised;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Considering the evidence supporting the alleged illegal practice in detail and assessing that evidence in the light of the requirements of section 51(3) (b).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 2</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act in that it failed to appreciate that the Newsletter had not contained any stipulation as to vote, had not made any definite promise to any voter, had not been specific as to a voter, and had not offered to procure any office in exchange for a vote.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 3</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in deciding to report that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice without first:</p> <p class="rtejustify">(a) Considering, and giving the Appellant an opportunity of explaining, whether the act or omission constituting the alleged illegal practice had been done or made in good faith or through inadvertence or other reasonable cause, or</p> <p class="rtejustify">(b) Considering whether, taking into account all the relevant circumstances, and after having heard the Appellant in that regards, it would be just that the alleged illegal practice should be an exception under the Elections Act and that the Appellant should not be subject to the consequences arising from the commission of the alleged illegal practice.</p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In this appeal, we are concerned only with the above grounds. The case has other ramifications with which we are not at present concerned. Miscellaneous Proceedings are on-going.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Evidence and Proceedings</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The finding of illegal practice against the appellant was based on a leaflet and Appellant’s response to the questions on its content. It has not been challenged that the leaflet emanated from him. Drawn up by him in the English language, it was translated in Tamil language and circulated to the Tamil community. Dated 9<sup>th</sup> of December 2015, its proximity of the date to the second round carries some significance. In that open letter issued to the Tamil community, he had spoken about his identical origin and his close ties with the community before making certain promises: inter alia, making Deepavali a national holiday and appointing “those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins (in) suitably placed positions in (his) cabinet” and the public service. </li> <li class="rtejustify">Evidence had been adduced by Mr. Rajasundaram, himself a Tamil and  knowledgeable with the Tamil language and the Tamil Community. His reading of the letter was at first that it was like a manifesto. However, under cross examination by the Attorney General who read section 51 (3)(b) of the Act to him, Mr. Rajasundaram agreed that there was an apparent breach of the section in the inducement offered to the Tamil Community to vote for him and in return for favours.  We have to straightaway state that a witness’s opinion as to whether an activity falls foul of the law is neither here nor there. This was a matter of law for the trial Court at the time and for this Court on the present appeal.   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Mr. Georges – evidently focusing on his defence that section 51(3)(b) referred to “a voter” and not a community of electors as such - questioned the witness on the Tamil community. The witness answered that the targeted readership was not a particular voter but a particular community. Further, he agreed that this was not a case where any specific person had been promised a post as a Minister in Cabinet or Principal Secretary in the public service. The letter was not personalized. It was agreed that there was no signature on the letter. Mr. Rajasundaram stated that he himself had received the letter between the first and second round of elections despite the letter being dated 9<sup>th</sup>December 2015.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Mr Ramkalawan’s Answers </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Appellant admitted to having drafted the letter in English for the purpose of its translation and circulation to the Tamil community. It contained statements such as: <em>“</em><em>Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet, Principal Secretaries…. The above are not just words or just decorations, I request all of you to support me and other parties to join me and I humbly request you to do so.  You should also be instrumental for this country to have a good room flourishing like a flower.  Support Ramkalawan and make him victorious.” </em>These were amongst other benefits to the Tamil community if they were to support him and the parties representing him in the election. </li> <li class="rtejustify">Mr. Ramkalawan’s answer to the content of the leaflet has been that it was simply politicking and that all elections are about promises.  His position may be gauged by the following answers he gave: <em>“Well I was not offering anything in particular to the Tamil or people of Indian origin, what I was basically saying is if there are people of Tamil and Indian origin who are eligible and who are suitable qualified they could very well just like anybody else be part of government.”</em>  He added: <em>“it was also very important for me to write to the Tamil community because there had been this notion that Ramkalawan and the SNP were xenophobes and that they hated foreigners, and given that the Tamil community is a big community that votes I thought it was my duty as a Politician campaigning to also seek their vote.” </em>When asked whether this letter was intended to induce voters to vote for him, his answer was: <em>“My Lords, election is about promises, so if I make a promise to the Tamil community is it not the same as making a promise to the elderly?  Is it not the same as making a promise to young people?  Is it not the same as making other promises?  This is what elections are all about.  And when politicians stand up and say I promise that I will do this that and the other, I do not see the difference between that and what is in the letter.</em>”</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">That made Mr. Hoareau appearing for Respondent No. 2 probe Mr. Ramkalawan further:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“Q:       So you agree with me that you were inducing these people to vote for you on the promise of offering ministerial posts and principal secretarial post in your government to members of their community?</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>A:         So what?  I mean this is my answer my Lords. “</em></p> <p class="rtejustify">Our task in this appeal is to see whether he is correct in holding that view and giving that answer.</p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>THE LAW </strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Before we move to the heart of the matter, it behoves us to clear some air with respect to the law itself. This is the first time a petition of such magnitude has been brought under the Election Act 1996.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Nature of the Proceedings Before the Constitutional Court</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The questioned  areas touch some basic principles applicable. They related to the nature of the proceedings, the onus and the standard of proof, the categorization of the various sections, whether under the criminal law or the civil law etc. Some of the words used in the text of the law throw some doubts as to whether the hearing was a civil action or a criminal action or somewhere in between. Some phrases in the Elections Act are connotative of criminal action rather than civil action. For example, section 47(1)(b) uses the word<em>: “guilty of an illegal practice”</em> and other sections use the word <em>“trial</em>.” The terms used in civil actions are <em>“an illegal practice stands proved</em>” or “<em>hearing</em>” instead of <em>“trial</em>.” Not only practitioners want to be certain about it but also the citizens who are the users. The problem this duality creates becomes evident at the time of the applicability or otherwise of: (a) the right of silence; (b) the right against self-incrimination; (c) the quantum of proof which is proof beyond reasonable doubt in a criminal trial and proof on a balance of probabilities in a civil action.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court heard the case as a civil case all through and applied  the civil standard of proof. Section 45(1) makes it abundantly clear that the trial of an election petition shall be held in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original civil jurisdiction.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">These issues have vexed not only Seychelles. They have necessitated the  authoritative pronouncement of the courts in other jurisdictions equally: Australia, Canada, India, United Kingdom, United States, Mauritius etc. Be that as it may, the law has to be certain especially one that touches each and every individual for the exercise of his or her right to vote. Candidates, voters, public authorities, practitioners need to know the scope and the limits of the various provisions and how they relate to one another in terms of application and interpretations.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Our analysis, however, shows that the confusion does not lie in the text of the Elections Act but in our own minds. The Act creates two possible actions in actual fact: one is the civil action by way of petition and the other is a criminal action by way of a formal charge. There is no mystery in how a civil action may cohabit with a criminal action and how they relate to each other in a legislation – whether one after the other or independently of each other or in parallel. In the Canadian system, the Federal Court of Canada was called upon to clarify the position in a case as recent as 2013. In <strong>McEwing v. Canada (Attorney General) 2013 FC 525 (CanLII), </strong>the Court examined the Canadian Election Act 2000 and stated as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“Prior to the enactment of the 2000 Act, procedures to overturn election results were governed by … the Dominion Controverted Elections Act, a 19<sup>th</sup> century Statute. …. (The) legislative regime … were considered to be cumbersome, costly and time-consuming and were for those reasons, rarely employed. The two jurisdictions, civil and criminal, were therefore treated separately  in the 2000 Act.” </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Co-existence of civil and criminal actions </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">A careful reading of the Seychelles Elections Act 1996 shows a comparable history and outcome. In the Canadian system, the criminal régime in section 19 is more easily demarcated from the civil régime in section 20 of the Elections Act 2000. In our Elections Act, the civil is found in sections 44-45 and the criminal in sections 51-53. However, the same acts and doings generate both a criminal and a civil action. Where the acts and doings are proved on a balance of probabilities, they lead to non-criminal sanctions such as rights suspension, de-registration etc. In Seychelles, it is removal of name from the Electoral Register for a period of 5 years, which in effect in a quinquennial legislature is for one or two elections only. The same acts and doings, if proved beyond reasonable doubt, in criminal proceedings will lead to criminal sanctions: 3 years imprisonment and SR20,000 fine. In certain cases, the maximum penalty is SR1,000,000. This explains the rationale for not creating a new and third quantum of proof in this area.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The mental element in civil and criminal electoral actions</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This takes us to the issue of mental element applicable in the two actions. This issue becomes relevant to us in relation to the application of section 45. The state of mind in a civil action is <em>in abstracto</em>: the standard of a reasonable man (English law) or “la conduite d’un bon père de famille” (French Law). Criminal liability is assessed <em>in concreto</em>: whether this particular defendant had the <em>mens rea </em>required for the offence charged. Thus, while the standard in the mental element of fraud in criminal election action would be subjective, in a civil election action that would be objective, mitigated to a mere level of recklessness or carelessness, even if in either case <em>“the intention is doing that thing which the Statute intended to forbid.” See </em> <strong>Norfolk, Northern Division, Case [1869)] 1 O’M &amp; H 236]; Wrzesnewskyj v Canada (Attorney-General) 2012 ONSC 2873 (CANLII). </strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In <strong>Bielli v Canada (Attorney-General 2012 FC 916 (CANLII)</strong>, the mental element in a criminal case is compared to that in a civil case where “<em>it is not a determination based on the subjective or individual perception or experience, but what is reasonable to conclude regarding what a person ought to have known in the circumstances.”</em>  It is a question of fact whether the person knew or should have known: <strong>McEwing v. Canada (supra)</strong>.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Further, in the case of <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [2015] EWHC 1215 (Comm), at para. 56, </strong>the High Court decided that <em>“knowledge of what they (the respondents) are doing does not need to be proved against a candidate for him to be fixed with their actions.” </em>That admittedly is a hard fact but objective liability is part and parcel of civil law which is concerned with a community rights and obligations: see <strong>Great Yarmouth Borough Case, White v Fell (1906) 5 O’M &amp; H 176. </strong>The reason thereof may lie in the fact that it is rare that members of the public engage in DIY corrupt practice in election time. Their activity invariably revolves round the candidate they support. It is always open to the candidate to come up and rebut his involvement in the conduct of the undesirable elements in his entourage.    </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We are concerned in the present case with a civil application of the law of illegal practice but not the criminal application of the law of illegal practice.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the case of <strong>Pellerin v Thérien [1997] RJQ 816 CA,</strong> the appellant challenged the constitutionality of section 465 on the ground that the sanction was suspension of his political right to vote, which was as good as a penal sanction. Yet the quantum of proof the law provided for was on a balance of probabilities. The Court of Appeal dismissed the argument holding that the two aspects of control over elections are distinct and require different substantive principles and rules of evidence. In the case of <strong>FH v MacDougall 2008 SCC 53 (CANLII),</strong> at para. 40, the Court stated that: <em>“Absent a statutory direction to the contrary, the burden of proof never shifts to the respondent party and the quantum of remains that of the balance of probabilities.”</em> The same view has been taken in the case of <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [supra] </strong>which puts it curtly: <em>“In general terms, an election court is a civil court not a criminal court.” </em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It would be otherwise where the case was conducted on the basis of a criminal charge for election offences of corrupt or illegal practice at which time the criminal standard of proof will apply. This was definitely decided by the Court of Appeal in England, which we make our own, in the case of  <strong>R v Rowe ex parte Mainwaring [1992] 1WLR 1059.</strong>   The civil standard of proof which is balance of probabilities for the hearing of an election petition has been confirmed in the case of <strong>A.K. Jugnauth v Ringadoo</strong> <strong>[2007 SCJ 80]</strong> <strong>[supra]</strong> by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [2008 UKPC 50]</strong> insofar as it concerns the trial of an election petition as opposed to the trial of a defendant who stands charged criminally with election offences.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Adversarial Action with Inquisitorial dimension </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Accordingly, there should be no confusion in our minds about the nature of the action, the onus of proof and the standard of proof. We are in the area of civil proceedings, if with a statutorily added inquisitorial dimension. But not for its inquisitorial character do the nature of the action and proceedings and the onus and the quantum of proof change. Where the action starts by a citizen against another citizen by way of petition, the action is a civil action and will be governed by all the rules of the civil procedure. Where the action starts by the State against a citizen based on the offence, the action is a criminal action and will be governed by all the rules obtaining under the criminal procedure. As for the word <em>“guilty”</em> used in penal proceedings, it is not a monopoly of criminal law. It is of usage in civil law equally, more often seen in disciplinary proceedings: (<strong>see West’s Encyclopedia of American Law, 2<sup>nd</sup> ed. 2008.)</strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>ELECTION AND DEMOCRACY</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">At the same time, the high seriousness of this civil process should be in the forefront in the mind of everyone involved. An election for the choice of our legislature or the Head of State goes to the very root of our democratic system of government. In <strong>Indira Nehru Gandhi v. Raj Narain [1976] (2) SCR 347</strong> (AIR 1975 SC 2299), the Court held:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em> “Democracy is a basic feature of the Constitution. Election conducted at regular, prescribed intervals is essential to the democratic system envisaged in the Constitution. So is the need to protect and sustain the purity of the electoral process.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT SITTING AS AN ELECTION COURT</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Our laws have entrusted the task of protecting and sustaining the purity of the electoral process upon the Judiciary through a Constitutional Court sitting as the Election Court with at least two judges. The paramount role of this Court in the context of Seychelles calls for profound reflection on the high responsibility reposed upon it.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In to-day’s political world, evidence abounds that the strength of a democracy is only as good as the credibility of its elections. Elections make or break democracies. They make them where they are free, fair and credible. They break them where they are just a façade. In the <strong>IDCR: Briefing Paper Electoral Corruption</strong>. Sarah Birch, this is what has been stated:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“In the modern world, electoral corruption is one of the major obstacles to democratisation; it is also a significant problem in many established democracies.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify">           </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We are going through a period of time in world history where even the established democracies seem not safe enough in the many ways elections may be rigged. Mischief makers have adopted new ways of corrupting the electoral process. In a recent election in Canada, a misleading message was sent over the internet in the name of the authorities to the voters of a particular area with a known allegiance to one of the parties. The message directed them to a place where it was not possible for them to vote. Electoral corrupt practice has taken other subtle and sophisticated forms as is evident in the case of <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [supra] </strong>better known as the Tower Hamlets case. This has emphasized the role of the election courts to exercise greater vigilance over the manner in which democracies are being corrupted.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Election Court is a Unique Court</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is sometimes not so obvious that an Election Court has special characteristics. As was stated in the Tower Hamlets case:  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“An election court is, in some ways, a unique tribunal. Election petitions are presented and pursued in very similar manner to claims made in the civil courts and, procedurally, the basic rules to be applied are those of the Civil Procedure Rules (“CPR”). Accordingly, election proceedings have an adversarial character. Nevertheless, election petitions differ in a number of ways from civil actions.”   </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">One of the special characteristics is that it is vested with at once an adversarial character as well as an inquisitorial character: see para. 40 of  <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [supra]. </strong>A like competence is vested with the Constitutional Court sitting as an Election Court. The Elections Act vests it with powers under section 45(2) whereby the court may not stay content with only the dispute between the parties but need to go further. It may order <em>proprio motu</em> and compel any person concerned with the election to attend as a witness to depose. The trial is not only the trial of the persons directly before court but it is one of the election itself. That is apparent by the wording of section 45(2).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Section 45 (2): Election Court’s Inquisitorial Role</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Section 45 (2) reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">           </p> <p class="rtejustify">            <em>“45(2) The Constitutional Court may— </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        by an order, compel any person who appears to the Court to be concerned in the election to attend as a witness at the trial; and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        examine a witness referred to in paragraph (a) or any person in Court, although the person has not been called as a witness.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) A witness or a person referred to in (3) subsection (2) may be examined or cross examined, as the case may be, by the petitioner, respondent and Attorney-General or his representative, if present at the trial.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">All this simply highlights the role the Judiciary plays and should play in ensuring that the integrity of the electoral process is not corroded in any way whatsoever. Its primordial responsibility is to jealously guard the legacy of a democratic system of government and ensuring its continuous consolidation under the rule of law.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Mindfulness of nation’s fragility</p> <p class="rtejustify">   </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Judiciary, however, has its institutional limits. It may only enter the scene <em>ex post facto, </em>for diagnosis and cure. By that time, it may well be too late. Our fragile democracies would be better served if everyone played by the rules. On and off, it would help each citizen to refer to our Constitution along with our prayer books. It is a place where we have reposed our own fate as an individual and as a nation. We have to be:  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>“</em></strong><em>EVER MINDFUL of <u>the uniqueness and fragility of Seychelles</u>;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>CONSCIOUS of our colonial history before becoming an Independent Republic;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>AWARE and PROUD that as descendants of different races we have learnt to live together as one Nation under God and can serve as an example for a harmonious multi-racial society ....</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>It shall be the duty of every citizen of Seychelles-</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a) to <u>uphold and defend this Constitution and the law</u>; ... and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify">                   <em>(f) generally, to strive towards the fulfillment of the aspirations contained in the Preamble of this Constitution.”</em></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">With the above essential preliminaries, we come to the Grounds of Appeal.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Ground 1, challenges the decision of the Constitutional Court in its finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act without:</li> </ol> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Any party to the petition having prayed for any relief in respect to the alleged illegal practice;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Warning the Petitioner that he risked being penalized for having committed an illegal practice and giving him an opportunity of being heard thereon otherwise than to counter a mere allegation raised;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Considering the evidence supporting the alleged illegal practice in details and assessing that evidence in the light of the requirements of section 51(3) (b).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We shall take the Grounds in the order in which they have been raised.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1(a)</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On Ground 1 (a), the question is whether the mere fact that the 2<sup>nd</sup> respondent had only stated that there was corrupt practice by the Appellant, without praying the Court for a relief, the Court should have at all made an order which was to all intent and purposes outside the four corners of the pleadings. Mr Bernard Georges for the Appellant submitted that Respondent No. 2 had never intended the ultimate consequence of de-registration of the Appellant when he had put in his defence. His complaint was a shield and not a sword.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Limits and Scope of Pleadings in an Election Case</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We would have happily granted learned counsel that argument had we been in an ordinary civil case between private parties before any other Court: see <strong>Gill v Gill SCA 4/2004</strong>. But here the parties were neither in an ordinary case nor before an ordinary court. A court entrusted to hear an election petition is a unique court in many respects as has been outlined above, both adversarial and inquisitorial. We have dwelled on that aspect sufficiently above to rehash it here.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">What is more, section 45(1) does not stay content with stating that the trial of an election petition shall be held in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original jurisdiction.  It subjects the civil proceedings to the imperatives of the Act. Section 45(1) is stated to be <u>subject to this Act (underlining ours.</u>) Now, when we read section 45(2), we note that once a petition is lodged, the Court is seized with a wider jurisdiction than just an examination of the issues before the two parties. The trial by that very fact becomes the trial of an election. Section 45(2) enables the Court to go beyond the parameters of the adversarial hearing and don an inquisitorial role. It may order and compel the attendance and the examination of witnesses who are not originally in the case but are concerned. We are not basically limited by the pleadings as would be the case in an ordinary civil action between private parties.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In a 19<sup>th</sup> century case dealing with a like issue as the present one whether a petitioner could be questioned on his own wrong-doing in his own petition, the court held: <em>“Except where there are recriminatory charges against the unsuccessful candidate, or for the purpose of declaring petitioner’s vote void on scrutiny, the conduct of the petitioner at an election cannot be inquired into, and in this case there is no distinction between a candidate-petitioner and a voter-petitioner”</em>: <strong>Re Dufferin Case (1879) HEC 529. 4 AR 420 (CAN) cited in The Digest of Annotated British Commonwealth and European Cases Vo. 20, Elections, para. 1727.</strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">However, that decision did not survive for long. In the early 20<sup>th</sup> century, the overriding need to maintain the pure stream of an election process  uncorrupted came to the fore and the Courts moved away from that jurisprudence as from the case of <strong>Maidstone Case, Cornalis v Barker (1901) 5 O’M&amp;H 149, cited in The Digest (ibid.), para. 1727</strong>.</li> <li class="rtejustify">In the Seychelles’ Elections Act, like in many other up-dated elections laws, this long arm of the law is evident. Section 45(2) reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“45(2) The Constitutional Court may— </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        by an order, compel any person who appears to the Court to be concerned in the election to attend as a witness at the trial; and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        examine a witness referred to in paragraph (a) or any person in Court, although the person has not been called as a witness.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) A witness or a person referred to in (3) subsection (2) may be examined or cross examined, as the case may be, by the petitioner, respondent and Attorney-General or his representative, if present at the trial.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Attorney-General has referred to the case of <strong>Moses Masika Wetangula v Musikari Nazi Kombo and William Kinyani Onyango IEBC [2013] eKLR</strong> in support. The Court did refer to these cases in its judgment at paragraph 111. That should provide the answer to this part of the Appeal. There is no merit in Ground 1((a).  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1(b)</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On Ground 1 (b), the question is whether it was the duty of the Court to warn the appellant that he risked being penalized for having committed an illegal practice. That would have given him an opportunity to answer or not to answer the allegation or to give a proper explanation.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is the argument of the Respondents that the appellant was represented by counsel of some standing so that the need was not felt. To our mind, the right against self-incrimination exists no matter whether it is a civil case, a criminal case or an enquiry. That right is attached to the person and goes with the person. It does not matter where he is: whether at the police station, in his home, in a public place, in the witness box, in a criminal case or a civil case.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Was there a duty to warn appellant?</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The wording of Article 19 (1) (g) should be borne in mind, however: <em>“A person shall not be  compelled to testify at the trial or confess guilt.”</em> On the facts, it is patently clear that the Appellant was not compelled to say whatever he had to say in his defence, in the particular circumstances of this case. There arose no duty either on his counsel or the Court to enter into the arena. On the facts, the averment against him was not a matter that had occurred out of the blue. It had been on the cards since the beginning of the case. He had all the time available to consider his position. There is no indication that he was taken by surprise in any way as learned counsel for the Respondents put it. If with the opportunity given to him, he did not apprise himself of the law, he is deemed to know the law. Eventually, he preferred to meet the allegation with his explanation.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On the other aspect of this ground as to whether the explanation was acceptable and should have been accepted by the Court, we shall address it along with Ground 1 (c).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1(c)</strong> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The grievance of Mr Bernard Georges under  Ground 1 (c) is that the Constitutional Court did not properly examine whether the facts constituted illegal practice. The examination is extremely cursory in the judgment, according to him, in its finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice by publishing and distributing leaflets in the Tamil language to voters from the Tamil Community in Seychelles promising them senior posts in his government, thereby inducing them to vote for him or refrain from voting for the elected President contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Election Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The operative part of the judgment of the Constitutional Court on the question <em>in quo </em>reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                        <em>“While it is not averred that the acts of the Petitioner affected the results of the elections in any way, it is clear that his acts satisfy the provisions of section 51(3)(b) to constitute illegal practices. Even if he was not intending to contravene the law, we view such acts especially by the leader of a political party to be reprehensible and irresponsible. We were particularly dismayed by his non chalance and levity when challenged with the evidence which he admitted. We are obliged to make a report on this matter to the Electoral Commission in terms of striking his name off the register of electors.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">              <strong><em>Court’s examination of the evidence</em></strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The judgment does not give ample details of the examination of the content of the leaflet in what way it constituted an illegal practice. But the language used by the court and the record of the proceedings do show that the court had properly ascertained that the acts constituted an illegal practice within the definition of section 51(3)(b).  The leaflet even if in Tamil was translated in English and cross-examined upon. The content was admitted by the Appellant. The only criticism that can be made of the judgment is that it could have been more elaborate.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This is an exercise we shall carry out deriving our powers under rule 31(3) of the Rules of the Court of Appeal. At the same time, we shall see whether the Court reached the right decision on the facts available on record since it is all a matter of examining a leaflet in the light of the answers given by the Appellant. This will also help us to help users of this law to demarcate the line between the lawful and the unlawful. When are promises made in an electoral campaign lawful? And when are they unlawful?</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We shall look at three cases from three jurisdictions.  The first is <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [2007 SCJ 80]</strong> which was confirmed on appeal by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in <strong>Jugnauth v Ringadoo [2008 UKPC 50]. </strong>One of the allegations was the offer made by an elected member to the Muslim Community for the extension of their cemetery. The second is the case of <strong>Erlam &amp; Ors v Rahman &amp; Ors [supra], </strong>the Tower Hamlets case, in England. This had to do with the issue of an elected Mayor, a Bangla Deshi, canvassing for support from the Bangla Deshi community. We shall then compare them with the Indian case of <strong>Subramaniam Balaji v Government of Tamil Nadu &amp; Others Civil Appeal No. 5130 of 2013]</strong> where two competing parties made competing promises of gifts in cash and kind, including household items to certain classes of people. This will enable us to consider the present case where the Appellant issued a leaflet comprising promises to the Tamil Community for positions and posts in his proposed government.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The impugned leaflet</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The leaflet reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                        <em>“Beloved Tamil hearts you are more than my life and I, Ramkalawan who likes you all write this note to you.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        There is a strong rumour that I will send all Tamil people out of this country and it is a wrong message and I completely deny as rumour.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My grandfather hailed from the State of Uttara Pradesh in India who migrated and settled in Seychelles.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        While I was a religious preacher and as an Opposition Leader I have participated in all wedding ceremonies, birthday functions and funerals of all Tamil origin and I participated with my full heart; I prayed God with my full hearty and Blessed all.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        I merge myself and live together with Indians and Tamils. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        If all of you join together and make me as President, I shall declare Deepavali as Government holiday. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        To flourish all trades of the trading community, my government shall do the necessary and I rule accordingly. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        All suitable consultations shall be made and resolve those stumbling blocks amongst small traders.   </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My Government shall find a solution to VAT very soon.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        Those of you brothers who are afraid of this party in power since last 38 years need to join together now and support my arm; I will be one amongst you when I rule this country.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        If I come to power, suitable tax concession arrangements shall be made for those people whose income remain less than Rupees 10,000.00.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        Laws of GOP and Immigration will be simplified.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My government shall ensure that Seychelles Rupees is not devalued. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My Government shall take suitable and necessary steps to develop the religions, language and race of all Indians and Tamils.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        A time slot will be allocated to Tamils in Television and Radio (video and audio).</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        While recognizing those long serving Indians and Tamils in Government service, I shall streamline the Ministry of Health and Ministry of Education;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        If we come to power, our government shall not disturb those private employers in employment sector and never disturb at any time;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        To improve the economy of Seychelles (country) we shall do all the necessary infrastructure.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        The above are not just words with decorations I request all of you to support me and other parties who join me and I humbly request you to do so.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>You should also be instrumental for this country to have a good rule flourishing like a flower.  </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        SUPPORT RAMAKALAWAN AND MAKE HIM VICTORIOUS TO HAVE THE STATE OF LORD RAM IN THE SEYCHELLES.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>The Explanation of the Appellant </strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is the explanation of the Appellant that the leaflet is no more than an election manifesto and an election promise like so many electoral promises. We would tend to agree with him and others who would hold that view. Except that at the same time, at some places, the leaflet loses the character of an electoral manifesto and becomes a document of bargain.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Court’s consideration of the content of the impugned leaflet</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The major part of it does look like an ‘election manifesto’ directed to the Tamil Community. It assumes that this community should be afforded a greater participation in his government.  Whether it really qualifies to be considered as an election manifesto, we shall analyze in due course.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">A nice pun is made on the era of Ram and the first syllable of his own name, written to win their hearts. He adds “I merge myself and live together with Indians and Tamils.” There is nothing in it. No promise is made. The concluding tour de force: “SUPPORT RAMKALAWAN AND MAKE HIM VICTORIOUS TO HAVE THE STATE OF RAM IN THE SEYCHELLES,” is political jargon. Account needs to be taken of the fact that the Opposition, in its electoral campaign, is condemned to launch its campaign based on errors of the past to sell a new vision for the future while Government has the advantage of focusing on its achievements in office. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Where does the leaflet hurt section 51(3)(b)?</em></strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">At a few places, however, the leaflet begins to hurt the law. It is where it says:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                        <em>“If all of you join together and make me as President, I shall declare Deepavali as a Government holiday. Those who are eligible from the Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        “If we come to power, our Government shall not disturb those private employers in employment sector and never disturb at any time.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“The above are not just words and decorations …”  </em></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The leaflet has just used a few words too many. The promises are not just words. That it was all meant to attract their electoral support to make him President with a reciprocal commitment is patent.  Targeting a particular community like the Tamils within the larger community of Seychellois, in a language written to them, not accessible to the rest of the community is a risk that a candidate takes just like the Bangla Deshis in the Tower Hamlets case and the Muslim Community on the <strong>Jugnauth v Ringadoo</strong> <strong>[supra]</strong> case.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">As rightly decided in the Tower Hamlets case:</p> <p class="rtejustify">            <em>“There is world of difference … between what might, if unkindly, be termed a general ecclesiastical bleat …., and (am) especially targeted letter aimed at one particular body of the faithful telling them their religious duty is to vote for candidate A and not candidate B. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">What is the law which was violated by those words? Section 51(3)(b) reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>51 (3) For the purposes of this section and sections 44, 45 and 47, <u>a person commits an illegal practice where the person</u>—</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        …. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        <u>directly</u> or indirectly, by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, gives or procures or <u>agrees to</u> give or <u>procure or to endeavour to procure, any office, place or employment to or for a voter, or to or for any person, in order to induce the voter to vote or refrain from voting. ….”</u></em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Had the same things been stated differently, it would not have fallen foul of the law. It would have passed the test of legitimacy if he had stated in the leaflet: for example, that the Tamil Community needs to have a proper recognition in the public affairs of Seychelles; that Deepavali needed to have a proper recognition; that the community needed to be properly represented in the Executive and the Civil Service etc.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The reason is that in this case it is the offer to cater for perceived past omissions. But in the way it is written, it is striking a bargain. “Support me for Presidency in return for a Ministerial post in Cabinet and senior post in the public service. This is not an empty word but an undertaking.” The proximity to the election dated is to be noted. The leaflet is dated 9<sup>th</sup> December 2015 and the elections were due on the 16<sup>th</sup> December so that it must have been circulated in between at the time of the electoral sprint. How near to the polling day an impugned activity takes place is an important factor: see <strong>Barrow-in-Furness [4 O’M &amp; H. 77]; Ringadoo v A.K. Jugnauth [infra]</strong>.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The mischief lies in the element of private bargain</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The mischief lies in the element of bargaining. As the reasoning in <strong>Ringadoo v A.K. Jugnauth [2007 SCJ 80] </strong>confirmed on appeal by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in <strong>Jugnauth A.K v Ringadoo [2008 UKPC]:</strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                   <em>“The campaign was conducted not so much along the line of government performance or but on the basis of “donnant donnant” where votes, individually and collectively, were exchanged for jobs in the civil service.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [supra],</strong> the averment was that on the 29<sup>th</sup> of December 2005 at a Centre the respondent had officially announced the acquisition of land of 2 arpents to be given to the Islamic Community as a cemetery with the sole design of inducing, influencing and bribing the voters of Muslim faith.  The Court decided:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“A candidate does not fall foul of our electoral law against bribery where he is selling so to speak government performance or electoral programme or party manifesto to attract votes. That is normal electoral campaigning. … He will fall foul of the law when he is involved in buying votes: i.e. exchange vote for money or any other valuable considerations instead of using cogent arguments to influence the voters. There must be an element of bargaining and the corrupt motive will stand out so obviously from the facts.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Redressing grievances of people of a particular community or locality is part of the <em>“politique de proximité.”</em> But this <em>“politique de proximité”</em> will not shield the politician where the offer of redress is exchanged for votes: see also <strong>Harjit Sing v Umrao Singh [AIR 1980 SC 701].</strong> </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Supreme Court took the view that “to announce certain decisions a few days before polling whether by Cabinet or the Prime Minister may constitute an act of corrupt practice of bribery if done for a purpose which was obviously to induce the voters and which has nothing to do with the political manifesto.”</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the case of Tower Hamlets, the candidate was playing two cards: the race card and the religious card. In our case, it is a community  card. The focus as here was on a letter which contained the then Mayor’s message. The content may be ignored. But what is important is, as has been stated in the operative part of the decision:  <em>“Although the document speaks of the ‘community’ throughout in a neutral fashion, it must be recalled that the letter was published solely in the Bengali language in a newspaper whose readership … was restricted to Bengali speakers. It had not appeared in the English section of the newspaper.” </em>  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Its pernicious character was condemned as “a specially targeted letter aimed at a<em> particular body of the faithful, telling them their religious duty is to vote for candidate A and not for candidate B.”</em> The court sadly found that there was undue influence of the spiritual type and a breach of section 115(2) of the 1983 Act. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The concept of free and fair election is openness</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The role played by an open offer to needy people through a manifesto is high-lighted in the case of <strong>Subramaniam Balaji v Government of Tamil Nadu &amp; Others [Civil Appeal no. 5130 of 2013.</strong>]</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">While releasing its manifesto one party had offered free distribution of Colour Television sets to each household which did not possess same. The stated intention was to provide recreation and general knowledge to the household women, more particularly living in the rural areas. When the party was elected, forms were distributed for the purpose of screening the eligible recipients and implementing the scheme.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Another party offered in its manifesto grinders, mixers, electric fans, laptop computers, 4-gram gold thalis, Rs50,000-cash for women’s marriage, green houses, 20 kg rice to ration-card holders, free cattle and sheep on certain basis to the needy but not necessarily those under the poverty line. When the respective parties were elected, forms were distributed for the purpose of screening the eligible recipients and implementing the scheme. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Court held that to the extent that these were ventilated in the party public manifesto, the offers could not be taken to be bribes and illegal practices. They stemmed from their manifestos designed to achieving social and economic democracy in the pursuit of the political democracy enshrined in the Constitution.  Thus, the freebies could not be regarded as a decision the court could enter into.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It goes without saying that even if one of the TV sets was offered for a vote which was not foreseen in the manifesto, it would have amounted to an act of corrupt practice.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Definition and role of a political manifesto </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The acts and doings derive legitimacy from a public document disseminated to the wide electoral population for the purpose of ensuring a level playing field to every participant in the campaign. This is the role played by a political manifesto. What is a political manifesto? It is “<em>a public </em><em>declaration</em><em> of </em><em>intent</em><em>, </em><em>policy</em><em>, </em><em>aims </em><em>etc, as </em><em>issued</em><em> by a political party, government, or movement</em>,” as per Collins English Dictionary, ed. 2016. Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary, Eleventh Edition defines a manifesto as “<em>a written statement declaring publicly the intentions, motives, or views of its issuer</em>.” It is the publicity aspect of it that makes it a manifesto in the sense that it is manifest and not restricted to a specific community. If any activity, including the freebies fall under it, it cannot be regarded as corrupt practice. But the same activity would fall foul of the law if it is not known to the rest of the nation, in a language that is understood by a small community as in this case. A bargain then is being struck privately with the rest of the electorate unaware.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Openness is the key to a free and fair election. The people may only exercise their votes freely and fairly if they are “fully informed of the policies and qualities of all the political parties and candidates through appropriate electoral campaigns to enable voters to make an informed choice.” This extract is taken from the Shared Code of Conduct of the Political Parties and Stake Holders prior to the election in Seychelles of 2015.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Supreme Court in <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [supra]</strong> also commented on the opprobrium of the conduct: a campaign conducted not along party policy line on an election manifesto but an offer made  to a selected group against an offer for community support for election. The difference lies in whether it is a <em>“projet de société”</em> or a <em>“projet personnel”</em> that one is projecting.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is all a question of what you want to convey. It is all right to say to the people or any part of the people: “My party represents this vision for the future of the nation and its people. Your interests and your concerns fall within that vision.” But it is not right to say to them in private: “Your community has been maginalized. You vote for me. And I shall offer you a Ministerial position and a senior post in the public service.”   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Cutting out the mischief in the leaflet</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Had the same message been conveyed differently it would have been regarded as permissible under the law:</li> </ol> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">that the Tamil Community forms an important section of the whole nation;</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">that the Constitution of the Republic speaks of a plural nation;</li> <li class="rtejustify">that they have a number of concerns which hitherto have passed unnoticed by successive governments;</li> <li class="rtejustify">that the community needs to be duly represented in the Civil Service and in the Cabinet;</li> <li class="rtejustify">that time should be allocated in the national TV for an exposure of their culture and festivals;</li> <li class="rtejustify">serious consideration should be given to their festival Deepavali as a public holiday.   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It may well be that this neutral language would have had greater impact on the community. What is the difference? The same activity stated in one way becomes the opposite of itself when stated in a different way. The difference is obvious when one says: “It is permissible to pray while smoking but it is not permissible to smoke while praying.” The crux of the matter is what do you want to convey?</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The text as worded unhappily conveys the clear message of bargaining for votes, an undertaking to the community that they will obtain Deepavali as a public holiday and places in the Cabinet and senior posts in the civil service against their votes. Learned counsel has argued that there is nowhere the offer of vote mentioned. To us, that is clearly driven home by the design at the end of the document which shows a tick against his name in a simulated ballot paper. This is where it went wrong. We are not quite sure whether the Appellant had this leaflet vetted by his legal adviser/s before he released it. He should have had it so vetted.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This is where what may have been an otherwise worthy political enterprise to pursue went wrong and in our view, therefore, the conclusion of the Constitutional Court that the Appellant had fallen foul of the law cannot be disturbed.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>OUR DECISION ON BREACH OF SECTION 51(3)(b)</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Our answer to paragraph (c) is that, while it is true the Court should have gone into more details to see whether the case against the Appellant was proved, the Constitutional Court did not err in substance in deciding as it did.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 2</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act in that it failed to appreciate that the Newsletter had not contained any stipulation as to vote, had not made any definite promise to any voter, had not been specific as to a voter, and had not offered to procure any office in exchange for a vote.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Before we consider this ground, we may set the record right. The leaflet circulated was not by any standard a Newsletter. It was a private correspondence to the Tamil Community in the Tamil language obviously for their private readership.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Single voter v Community Votes</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Under this ground, if the argument of learned counsel is that section 51(3)(b) only applies where the acts and doings are directed to a single voter and not to a community of voters, the argument is hard to follow. The legislator cannot have intended that where the illegal practice involves a sole voter, section 51(3)(c) applies but where it concerns many voters forming a community or class, it does not. We are not prepared to go with him along this line. On the contrary, the higher the number of people targeted, the greater the gravity.  And where it is generalized, there is a duty to render the election as a whole void.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">However, there is a much shorter answer to this argument. Section <a name="_Toc384023217" id="_Toc384023217">20 of the Interpretations and General Provisions Act reads: </a></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“</em><em>20.       In an Act words in the singular include the plural and words in the plural include the singular.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 3</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>The Constitutional Court erred in deciding to report that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice without first:</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a) Considering and giving the Appellant an opportunity of explaining whether the act or omission constituting the alleged illegal practice had been done or made in good faith or through inadvertence or other reasonable cause, or</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b) Considering whether, taking into account all the relevant circumstances, and after having heard the Appellant in that regards, it would be just that the alleged illegal practice should be an exception under the Elections Act and that the Appellant should not be subject to the consequences arising from the commission of the illegal practice. finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We shall take both limbs in the above ground together. What happened was that the moment the Court found that the case alleged against the Appellant was proved, it moved forthwith to the reporting procedure: section 47(1)-(4). These provisions read:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“(1) At the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Constitutional Court shall report in writing to the Electoral Commission—</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        whether an illegal practice has been proved to have been committed by a candidate or an agent of the candidate and the nature of the practice;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        the names and descriptions of all persons who have been proved at the trial to have been guilty of an illegal practice.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(2) Before making any report under subsection (1)(b) in respect of a person who is not a party to an election petition the Constitutional Court shall give the person an opportunity to be heard and to call evidence to show why the person should not be reported.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) When the Constitutional Court reports that an illegal practice has been committed by a person, the person is disqualified for a period of five years from the date of the report from being registered as a voter and from voting at an election or a referendum under this Act.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(4) The Electoral Commission shall cause the name of the person reported under subsection (1) to be removed from the register of voters of the electoral area where the person is registered as a voter.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In that exercise, the Constitutional Court did not apply the provision of section 45(4) which vests it with power to consider any circumstance which would have assuaged the harsh legal consequence of the act and omission of the Appellant. It felt bound by the wording of section 47(1) that at the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Court shall report the fact to the Electoral Commissioner which would lead to his disqualification.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We take the view that the Court should have considered the provision of section 45(4) to ascertain whether there existed reasons in the case which would have distilled the grave consequences of the reporting and disqualification. In other words, a judicious application of section 47(1) should have been made in the light of the provisions under section 45(4). This subsection reads: </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“(4) Where it appears to the Constitutional Court on an election petition—</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        that an act or omission of a candidate or the agent of a candidate or any other person, which, but for this section, would be an illegal practice under this Act, has been done or made in good faith through inadvertence or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause of a like nature; or</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        that upon taking into account all the relevant circumstances it would be just that the candidate, agent of the candidate or the other person should not be subject to any of the consequences under this Act for such act or omission,</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        the Court may make an order allowing the act or omission, which would otherwise be an illegal practice under this Act, to be an exception to this Act and the candidate, agent or other person shall not be subject to the consequences under this Act in respect of the act or omission and the result obtained by the candidate shall not, by reason only of that act or omission, be declared to be void.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Application of Natural Justice</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">However, even if section 45(4) had not existed, natural justice demanded that before the report were to be made, the appellant was entitled to be heard before the coercive order could be made. As was stated in 1615 in <strong>Baggs case [11 Co. Rep 93 b],</strong> bodies entrusted with decision making power could not validly exercise it without first hearing the person who was going to suffer. That proposition of law has been made our own in the case of <strong>Jeremie v Minister CS 154/1994, 20 March 1995</strong> whereby:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“It is the rule of natural justice that when one sits in judgment on others the decision must be supported by valid reasons.” </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In <strong>Russell v Duke of Norfolk [1949] 1 All ER 109 at 119,</strong> Tucker LJ stated as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“The requirements of natural justice must depend on the circumstances of the case, the nature of the inquiry, the rules under which the tribunal is acting, the subject matter to be dealt with, and so forth.” </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In other words, one a Court has made a finding that carries with it sanctions of a coercive nature, particularly of this nature which affects a fundamental Charter right, consideration should be given as to whether the sanction fits the act or omission, is of a grave or light nature before the sanction is imposed proportionally. After a finding that the case was proved against the Appellant, it was open to the Court to give an opportunity to the Appellant to consider the applicability of section 45(4), account taken of the legal consequence that was to follow. This Ground succeeds.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>FINAL CONCLUSION ON MERITS OF THE APPEAL</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Appeal is dismissed on Grounds 1 and 2. But it succeeds on Ground 3.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the circumstances, in the exercise of our powers under Rule 31(1), we would invite learned counsel of the Appellant, if he so wishes, to address us now on the application of section 45(4) to the facts of this case. Otherwise, we assume that the facts are already apparent and the submissions, especially those under paragraph 12 and 13 of his Heads of Argument dated 4<sup>th</sup> July 2016, have <a name="_GoBack" id="_GoBack"></a> sufficiently canvassed the points, in which case we shall proceed under Rule 31(3) to consider whether it is just to report the matter to the Electoral Commissioner under section 47(1) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>FINAL DECISION </strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">APPLICATION OF SECTION 47(1) OF THE ELECTIONS ACT  </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Further to our decision on the grounds of appeal, we have considered the facts of this appeal and the submissions of learned counsel for the appellant and the stand taken by the Respondents.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We take the view that the acts and omissions arose in a one-off incident through inadvertence or misapprehension of the law.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Taking that into account and all the relevant circumstances, we take the view that it would be just that the candidate should not be subject to the legal consequences under the Act.</li> <li class="rtejustify">We, accordingly, spare the Appellant the application of section 47(1) of the Elections Act with respect to the Reporting requirement to the Electoral Commissioner.  In the circumstances, we make no order as to costs.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>S. Domah (J.A)</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>I concur:.                                ………………….                     F. MacGregor (PCA)</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>I concur:.                                ………………….                     J. Msoffe (JA)</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Signed, dated and delivered at Palais de Justice, Ile du Port on 12 August 2016</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>JUDGMENT</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>S. Domah (J.A)</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On 3, 4 and 5 December 2015, Seychelles held its first round in its latest quinquennial election for the choice of its ensuing President. As per the Constitution, if any from the number of the candidates secured more than 50% of the votes, he is declared elected, failing which the process goes through a second ballot between the best two. As it happened at the end of the 3-day process, no candidate reached that ceiling. The country was then set for a second round on 16, 17 and 18 December 2015. It was the first time it had happened in the history of Seychelles. The two contestants were Respondent No. 2, Mr James Alix Michel, the President in post; and the Appellant, Mr Wavel John Charles Ramkalawon, the Opposition Leader. It was a notoriously close contest and the whole country waited with bated breaths for the announcement of the results which came out late in the night of 18 December. The Appellant, the Opposition leader had missed it by a narrow margin of 193 votes.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Unhappy with the outcome, Appellant filed a petition against the Electoral Commission, the elected President and the Attorney-General before the Constitutional Court.  In his view, rightly or wrongly, he would have carried the day but for the electoral malpractices.   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">He averred eleven (11) acts of illegal practice. The Respondents denied all the allegations and Respondent no. 2 went an extra mile. He averred in his defence that it was the appellant, then petitioner, who has been guilty of illegal practice within the meaning of section 51(3)(b) of the Election Act. At the end of a long hearing spanning over a couple of weeks and comprising a host of witnesses, a heap of documents and over 1,500 pages of transcript,  the Court comprising Chief Justice M. Twomey, C. McKee J. and D. Akiiki-Kiiza J.  delivered a judgment of 131 pages.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">They  found: <ol> <li> the acts of illegal practice not proved against the elected President;</li> <li>a number of others mentioned in the case needed to be summoned and were summoned to answer allegations of illegal practice;</li> <li>the allegation made by Respondent No. 2 proved against the Appellant on the facts and his own statement.  </li> </ol> </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Section 47(1) of the Elections Act provides that, at the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Constitutional Court shall report in writing to the Electoral Commissioner its finding under section 51(3)(b), the end result of which is that he is disqualified from voting for a period of 5 years. The Court stayed the order of reporting the Appellant on his application pending the determination of the appellate Court.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This Appeal against the decision of the Constitutional Court canvasses the following grounds:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act without:</p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Any party to the petition having prayed for any relief in respect of the alleged illegal practice;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Warning the Petitioner that he risked being penalised for having committed an illegal practice and giving him an opportunity of being heard thereon otherwise than to counter a mere allegation raised;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Considering the evidence supporting the alleged illegal practice in detail and assessing that evidence in the light of the requirements of section 51(3) (b).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 2</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act in that it failed to appreciate that the Newsletter had not contained any stipulation as to vote, had not made any definite promise to any voter, had not been specific as to a voter, and had not offered to procure any office in exchange for a vote.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 3</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in deciding to report that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice without first:</p> <p class="rtejustify">(a) Considering, and giving the Appellant an opportunity of explaining, whether the act or omission constituting the alleged illegal practice had been done or made in good faith or through inadvertence or other reasonable cause, or</p> <p class="rtejustify">(b) Considering whether, taking into account all the relevant circumstances, and after having heard the Appellant in that regards, it would be just that the alleged illegal practice should be an exception under the Elections Act and that the Appellant should not be subject to the consequences arising from the commission of the alleged illegal practice.</p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In this appeal, we are concerned only with the above grounds. The case has other ramifications with which we are not at present concerned. Miscellaneous Proceedings are on-going.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Evidence and Proceedings</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The finding of illegal practice against the appellant was based on a leaflet and Appellant’s response to the questions on its content. It has not been challenged that the leaflet emanated from him. Drawn up by him in the English language, it was translated in Tamil language and circulated to the Tamil community. Dated 9<sup>th</sup> of December 2015, its proximity of the date to the second round carries some significance. In that open letter issued to the Tamil community, he had spoken about his identical origin and his close ties with the community before making certain promises: inter alia, making Deepavali a national holiday and appointing “those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins (in) suitably placed positions in (his) cabinet” and the public service. </li> <li class="rtejustify">Evidence had been adduced by Mr. Rajasundaram, himself a Tamil and  knowledgeable with the Tamil language and the Tamil Community. His reading of the letter was at first that it was like a manifesto. However, under cross examination by the Attorney General who read section 51 (3)(b) of the Act to him, Mr. Rajasundaram agreed that there was an apparent breach of the section in the inducement offered to the Tamil Community to vote for him and in return for favours.  We have to straightaway state that a witness’s opinion as to whether an activity falls foul of the law is neither here nor there. This was a matter of law for the trial Court at the time and for this Court on the present appeal.   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Mr. Georges – evidently focusing on his defence that section 51(3)(b) referred to “a voter” and not a community of electors as such - questioned the witness on the Tamil community. The witness answered that the targeted readership was not a particular voter but a particular community. Further, he agreed that this was not a case where any specific person had been promised a post as a Minister in Cabinet or Principal Secretary in the public service. The letter was not personalized. It was agreed that there was no signature on the letter. Mr. Rajasundaram stated that he himself had received the letter between the first and second round of elections despite the letter being dated 9<sup>th</sup>December 2015.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Mr Ramkalawan’s Answers </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Appellant admitted to having drafted the letter in English for the purpose of its translation and circulation to the Tamil community. It contained statements such as: <em>“</em><em>Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet, Principal Secretaries…. The above are not just words or just decorations, I request all of you to support me and other parties to join me and I humbly request you to do so.  You should also be instrumental for this country to have a good room flourishing like a flower.  Support Ramkalawan and make him victorious.” </em>These were amongst other benefits to the Tamil community if they were to support him and the parties representing him in the election. </li> <li class="rtejustify">Mr. Ramkalawan’s answer to the content of the leaflet has been that it was simply politicking and that all elections are about promises.  His position may be gauged by the following answers he gave: <em>“Well I was not offering anything in particular to the Tamil or people of Indian origin, what I was basically saying is if there are people of Tamil and Indian origin who are eligible and who are suitable qualified they could very well just like anybody else be part of government.”</em>  He added: <em>“it was also very important for me to write to the Tamil community because there had been this notion that Ramkalawan and the SNP were xenophobes and that they hated foreigners, and given that the Tamil community is a big community that votes I thought it was my duty as a Politician campaigning to also seek their vote.” </em>When asked whether this letter was intended to induce voters to vote for him, his answer was: <em>“My Lords, election is about promises, so if I make a promise to the Tamil community is it not the same as making a promise to the elderly?  Is it not the same as making a promise to young people?  Is it not the same as making other promises?  This is what elections are all about.  And when politicians stand up and say I promise that I will do this that and the other, I do not see the difference between that and what is in the letter.</em>”</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">That made Mr. Hoareau appearing for Respondent No. 2 probe Mr. Ramkalawan further:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“Q:       So you agree with me that you were inducing these people to vote for you on the promise of offering ministerial posts and principal secretarial post in your government to members of their community?</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>A:         So what?  I mean this is my answer my Lords. “</em></p> <p class="rtejustify">Our task in this appeal is to see whether he is correct in holding that view and giving that answer.</p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>THE LAW </strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Before we move to the heart of the matter, it behoves us to clear some air with respect to the law itself. This is the first time a petition of such magnitude has been brought under the Election Act 1996.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Nature of the Proceedings Before the Constitutional Court</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The questioned  areas touch some basic principles applicable. They related to the nature of the proceedings, the onus and the standard of proof, the categorization of the various sections, whether under the criminal law or the civil law etc. Some of the words used in the text of the law throw some doubts as to whether the hearing was a civil action or a criminal action or somewhere in between. Some phrases in the Elections Act are connotative of criminal action rather than civil action. For example, section 47(1)(b) uses the word<em>: “guilty of an illegal practice”</em> and other sections use the word <em>“trial</em>.” The terms used in civil actions are <em>“an illegal practice stands proved</em>” or “<em>hearing</em>” instead of <em>“trial</em>.” Not only practitioners want to be certain about it but also the citizens who are the users. The problem this duality creates becomes evident at the time of the applicability or otherwise of: (a) the right of silence; (b) the right against self-incrimination; (c) the quantum of proof which is proof beyond reasonable doubt in a criminal trial and proof on a balance of probabilities in a civil action.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court heard the case as a civil case all through and applied  the civil standard of proof. Section 45(1) makes it abundantly clear that the trial of an election petition shall be held in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original civil jurisdiction.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">These issues have vexed not only Seychelles. They have necessitated the  authoritative pronouncement of the courts in other jurisdictions equally: Australia, Canada, India, United Kingdom, United States, Mauritius etc. Be that as it may, the law has to be certain especially one that touches each and every individual for the exercise of his or her right to vote. Candidates, voters, public authorities, practitioners need to know the scope and the limits of the various provisions and how they relate to one another in terms of application and interpretations.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Our analysis, however, shows that the confusion does not lie in the text of the Elections Act but in our own minds. The Act creates two possible actions in actual fact: one is the civil action by way of petition and the other is a criminal action by way of a formal charge. There is no mystery in how a civil action may cohabit with a criminal action and how they relate to each other in a legislation – whether one after the other or independently of each other or in parallel. In the Canadian system, the Federal Court of Canada was called upon to clarify the position in a case as recent as 2013. In <strong>McEwing v. Canada (Attorney General) 2013 FC 525 (CanLII), </strong>the Court examined the Canadian Election Act 2000 and stated as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“Prior to the enactment of the 2000 Act, procedures to overturn election results were governed by … the Dominion Controverted Elections Act, a 19<sup>th</sup> century Statute. …. (The) legislative regime … were considered to be cumbersome, costly and time-consuming and were for those reasons, rarely employed. The two jurisdictions, civil and criminal, were therefore treated separately  in the 2000 Act.” </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Co-existence of civil and criminal actions </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">A careful reading of the Seychelles Elections Act 1996 shows a comparable history and outcome. In the Canadian system, the criminal régime in section 19 is more easily demarcated from the civil régime in section 20 of the Elections Act 2000. In our Elections Act, the civil is found in sections 44-45 and the criminal in sections 51-53. However, the same acts and doings generate both a criminal and a civil action. Where the acts and doings are proved on a balance of probabilities, they lead to non-criminal sanctions such as rights suspension, de-registration etc. In Seychelles, it is removal of name from the Electoral Register for a period of 5 years, which in effect in a quinquennial legislature is for one or two elections only. The same acts and doings, if proved beyond reasonable doubt, in criminal proceedings will lead to criminal sanctions: 3 years imprisonment and SR20,000 fine. In certain cases, the maximum penalty is SR1,000,000. This explains the rationale for not creating a new and third quantum of proof in this area.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The mental element in civil and criminal electoral actions</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This takes us to the issue of mental element applicable in the two actions. This issue becomes relevant to us in relation to the application of section 45. The state of mind in a civil action is <em>in abstracto</em>: the standard of a reasonable man (English law) or “la conduite d’un bon père de famille” (French Law). Criminal liability is assessed <em>in concreto</em>: whether this particular defendant had the <em>mens rea </em>required for the offence charged. Thus, while the standard in the mental element of fraud in criminal election action would be subjective, in a civil election action that would be objective, mitigated to a mere level of recklessness or carelessness, even if in either case <em>“the intention is doing that thing which the Statute intended to forbid.” See </em> <strong>Norfolk, Northern Division, Case [1869)] 1 O’M &amp; H 236]; Wrzesnewskyj v Canada (Attorney-General) 2012 ONSC 2873 (CANLII). </strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In <strong>Bielli v Canada (Attorney-General 2012 FC 916 (CANLII)</strong>, the mental element in a criminal case is compared to that in a civil case where “<em>it is not a determination based on the subjective or individual perception or experience, but what is reasonable to conclude regarding what a person ought to have known in the circumstances.”</em>  It is a question of fact whether the person knew or should have known: <strong>McEwing v. Canada (supra)</strong>.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Further, in the case of <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [2015] EWHC 1215 (Comm), at para. 56, </strong>the High Court decided that <em>“knowledge of what they (the respondents) are doing does not need to be proved against a candidate for him to be fixed with their actions.” </em>That admittedly is a hard fact but objective liability is part and parcel of civil law which is concerned with a community rights and obligations: see <strong>Great Yarmouth Borough Case, White v Fell (1906) 5 O’M &amp; H 176. </strong>The reason thereof may lie in the fact that it is rare that members of the public engage in DIY corrupt practice in election time. Their activity invariably revolves round the candidate they support. It is always open to the candidate to come up and rebut his involvement in the conduct of the undesirable elements in his entourage.    </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We are concerned in the present case with a civil application of the law of illegal practice but not the criminal application of the law of illegal practice.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the case of <strong>Pellerin v Thérien [1997] RJQ 816 CA,</strong> the appellant challenged the constitutionality of section 465 on the ground that the sanction was suspension of his political right to vote, which was as good as a penal sanction. Yet the quantum of proof the law provided for was on a balance of probabilities. The Court of Appeal dismissed the argument holding that the two aspects of control over elections are distinct and require different substantive principles and rules of evidence. In the case of <strong>FH v MacDougall 2008 SCC 53 (CANLII),</strong> at para. 40, the Court stated that: <em>“Absent a statutory direction to the contrary, the burden of proof never shifts to the respondent party and the quantum of remains that of the balance of probabilities.”</em> The same view has been taken in the case of <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [supra] </strong>which puts it curtly: <em>“In general terms, an election court is a civil court not a criminal court.” </em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It would be otherwise where the case was conducted on the basis of a criminal charge for election offences of corrupt or illegal practice at which time the criminal standard of proof will apply. This was definitely decided by the Court of Appeal in England, which we make our own, in the case of  <strong>R v Rowe ex parte Mainwaring [1992] 1WLR 1059.</strong>   The civil standard of proof which is balance of probabilities for the hearing of an election petition has been confirmed in the case of <strong>A.K. Jugnauth v Ringadoo</strong> <strong>[2007 SCJ 80]</strong> <strong>[supra]</strong> by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [2008 UKPC 50]</strong> insofar as it concerns the trial of an election petition as opposed to the trial of a defendant who stands charged criminally with election offences.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Adversarial Action with Inquisitorial dimension </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Accordingly, there should be no confusion in our minds about the nature of the action, the onus of proof and the standard of proof. We are in the area of civil proceedings, if with a statutorily added inquisitorial dimension. But not for its inquisitorial character do the nature of the action and proceedings and the onus and the quantum of proof change. Where the action starts by a citizen against another citizen by way of petition, the action is a civil action and will be governed by all the rules of the civil procedure. Where the action starts by the State against a citizen based on the offence, the action is a criminal action and will be governed by all the rules obtaining under the criminal procedure. As for the word <em>“guilty”</em> used in penal proceedings, it is not a monopoly of criminal law. It is of usage in civil law equally, more often seen in disciplinary proceedings: (<strong>see West’s Encyclopedia of American Law, 2<sup>nd</sup> ed. 2008.)</strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>ELECTION AND DEMOCRACY</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">At the same time, the high seriousness of this civil process should be in the forefront in the mind of everyone involved. An election for the choice of our legislature or the Head of State goes to the very root of our democratic system of government. In <strong>Indira Nehru Gandhi v. Raj Narain [1976] (2) SCR 347</strong> (AIR 1975 SC 2299), the Court held:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em> “Democracy is a basic feature of the Constitution. Election conducted at regular, prescribed intervals is essential to the democratic system envisaged in the Constitution. So is the need to protect and sustain the purity of the electoral process.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT SITTING AS AN ELECTION COURT</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Our laws have entrusted the task of protecting and sustaining the purity of the electoral process upon the Judiciary through a Constitutional Court sitting as the Election Court with at least two judges. The paramount role of this Court in the context of Seychelles calls for profound reflection on the high responsibility reposed upon it.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In to-day’s political world, evidence abounds that the strength of a democracy is only as good as the credibility of its elections. Elections make or break democracies. They make them where they are free, fair and credible. They break them where they are just a façade. In the <strong>IDCR: Briefing Paper Electoral Corruption</strong>. Sarah Birch, this is what has been stated:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“In the modern world, electoral corruption is one of the major obstacles to democratisation; it is also a significant problem in many established democracies.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify">           </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We are going through a period of time in world history where even the established democracies seem not safe enough in the many ways elections may be rigged. Mischief makers have adopted new ways of corrupting the electoral process. In a recent election in Canada, a misleading message was sent over the internet in the name of the authorities to the voters of a particular area with a known allegiance to one of the parties. The message directed them to a place where it was not possible for them to vote. Electoral corrupt practice has taken other subtle and sophisticated forms as is evident in the case of <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [supra] </strong>better known as the Tower Hamlets case. This has emphasized the role of the election courts to exercise greater vigilance over the manner in which democracies are being corrupted.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Election Court is a Unique Court</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is sometimes not so obvious that an Election Court has special characteristics. As was stated in the Tower Hamlets case:  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“An election court is, in some ways, a unique tribunal. Election petitions are presented and pursued in very similar manner to claims made in the civil courts and, procedurally, the basic rules to be applied are those of the Civil Procedure Rules (“CPR”). Accordingly, election proceedings have an adversarial character. Nevertheless, election petitions differ in a number of ways from civil actions.”   </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">One of the special characteristics is that it is vested with at once an adversarial character as well as an inquisitorial character: see para. 40 of  <strong>Andrew Erlam &amp; Ors v Lutfar Raman and Anor [supra]. </strong>A like competence is vested with the Constitutional Court sitting as an Election Court. The Elections Act vests it with powers under section 45(2) whereby the court may not stay content with only the dispute between the parties but need to go further. It may order <em>proprio motu</em> and compel any person concerned with the election to attend as a witness to depose. The trial is not only the trial of the persons directly before court but it is one of the election itself. That is apparent by the wording of section 45(2).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Section 45 (2): Election Court’s Inquisitorial Role</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Section 45 (2) reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">           </p> <p class="rtejustify">            <em>“45(2) The Constitutional Court may— </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        by an order, compel any person who appears to the Court to be concerned in the election to attend as a witness at the trial; and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        examine a witness referred to in paragraph (a) or any person in Court, although the person has not been called as a witness.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) A witness or a person referred to in (3) subsection (2) may be examined or cross examined, as the case may be, by the petitioner, respondent and Attorney-General or his representative, if present at the trial.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">All this simply highlights the role the Judiciary plays and should play in ensuring that the integrity of the electoral process is not corroded in any way whatsoever. Its primordial responsibility is to jealously guard the legacy of a democratic system of government and ensuring its continuous consolidation under the rule of law.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Mindfulness of nation’s fragility</p> <p class="rtejustify">   </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Judiciary, however, has its institutional limits. It may only enter the scene <em>ex post facto, </em>for diagnosis and cure. By that time, it may well be too late. Our fragile democracies would be better served if everyone played by the rules. On and off, it would help each citizen to refer to our Constitution along with our prayer books. It is a place where we have reposed our own fate as an individual and as a nation. We have to be:  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>“</em></strong><em>EVER MINDFUL of <u>the uniqueness and fragility of Seychelles</u>;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>CONSCIOUS of our colonial history before becoming an Independent Republic;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>AWARE and PROUD that as descendants of different races we have learnt to live together as one Nation under God and can serve as an example for a harmonious multi-racial society ....</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>It shall be the duty of every citizen of Seychelles-</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a) to <u>uphold and defend this Constitution and the law</u>; ... and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify">                   <em>(f) generally, to strive towards the fulfillment of the aspirations contained in the Preamble of this Constitution.”</em></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">With the above essential preliminaries, we come to the Grounds of Appeal.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Ground 1, challenges the decision of the Constitutional Court in its finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act without:</li> </ol> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Any party to the petition having prayed for any relief in respect to the alleged illegal practice;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Warning the Petitioner that he risked being penalized for having committed an illegal practice and giving him an opportunity of being heard thereon otherwise than to counter a mere allegation raised;</li> <li class="rtejustify">Considering the evidence supporting the alleged illegal practice in details and assessing that evidence in the light of the requirements of section 51(3) (b).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We shall take the Grounds in the order in which they have been raised.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1(a)</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On Ground 1 (a), the question is whether the mere fact that the 2<sup>nd</sup> respondent had only stated that there was corrupt practice by the Appellant, without praying the Court for a relief, the Court should have at all made an order which was to all intent and purposes outside the four corners of the pleadings. Mr Bernard Georges for the Appellant submitted that Respondent No. 2 had never intended the ultimate consequence of de-registration of the Appellant when he had put in his defence. His complaint was a shield and not a sword.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Limits and Scope of Pleadings in an Election Case</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We would have happily granted learned counsel that argument had we been in an ordinary civil case between private parties before any other Court: see <strong>Gill v Gill SCA 4/2004</strong>. But here the parties were neither in an ordinary case nor before an ordinary court. A court entrusted to hear an election petition is a unique court in many respects as has been outlined above, both adversarial and inquisitorial. We have dwelled on that aspect sufficiently above to rehash it here.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">What is more, section 45(1) does not stay content with stating that the trial of an election petition shall be held in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original jurisdiction.  It subjects the civil proceedings to the imperatives of the Act. Section 45(1) is stated to be <u>subject to this Act (underlining ours.</u>) Now, when we read section 45(2), we note that once a petition is lodged, the Court is seized with a wider jurisdiction than just an examination of the issues before the two parties. The trial by that very fact becomes the trial of an election. Section 45(2) enables the Court to go beyond the parameters of the adversarial hearing and don an inquisitorial role. It may order and compel the attendance and the examination of witnesses who are not originally in the case but are concerned. We are not basically limited by the pleadings as would be the case in an ordinary civil action between private parties.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In a 19<sup>th</sup> century case dealing with a like issue as the present one whether a petitioner could be questioned on his own wrong-doing in his own petition, the court held: <em>“Except where there are recriminatory charges against the unsuccessful candidate, or for the purpose of declaring petitioner’s vote void on scrutiny, the conduct of the petitioner at an election cannot be inquired into, and in this case there is no distinction between a candidate-petitioner and a voter-petitioner”</em>: <strong>Re Dufferin Case (1879) HEC 529. 4 AR 420 (CAN) cited in The Digest of Annotated British Commonwealth and European Cases Vo. 20, Elections, para. 1727.</strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">However, that decision did not survive for long. In the early 20<sup>th</sup> century, the overriding need to maintain the pure stream of an election process  uncorrupted came to the fore and the Courts moved away from that jurisprudence as from the case of <strong>Maidstone Case, Cornalis v Barker (1901) 5 O’M&amp;H 149, cited in The Digest (ibid.), para. 1727</strong>.</li> <li class="rtejustify">In the Seychelles’ Elections Act, like in many other up-dated elections laws, this long arm of the law is evident. Section 45(2) reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“45(2) The Constitutional Court may— </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        by an order, compel any person who appears to the Court to be concerned in the election to attend as a witness at the trial; and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        examine a witness referred to in paragraph (a) or any person in Court, although the person has not been called as a witness.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) A witness or a person referred to in (3) subsection (2) may be examined or cross examined, as the case may be, by the petitioner, respondent and Attorney-General or his representative, if present at the trial.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Attorney-General has referred to the case of <strong>Moses Masika Wetangula v Musikari Nazi Kombo and William Kinyani Onyango IEBC [2013] eKLR</strong> in support. The Court did refer to these cases in its judgment at paragraph 111. That should provide the answer to this part of the Appeal. There is no merit in Ground 1((a).  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1(b)</strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On Ground 1 (b), the question is whether it was the duty of the Court to warn the appellant that he risked being penalized for having committed an illegal practice. That would have given him an opportunity to answer or not to answer the allegation or to give a proper explanation.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is the argument of the Respondents that the appellant was represented by counsel of some standing so that the need was not felt. To our mind, the right against self-incrimination exists no matter whether it is a civil case, a criminal case or an enquiry. That right is attached to the person and goes with the person. It does not matter where he is: whether at the police station, in his home, in a public place, in the witness box, in a criminal case or a civil case.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Was there a duty to warn appellant?</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The wording of Article 19 (1) (g) should be borne in mind, however: <em>“A person shall not be  compelled to testify at the trial or confess guilt.”</em> On the facts, it is patently clear that the Appellant was not compelled to say whatever he had to say in his defence, in the particular circumstances of this case. There arose no duty either on his counsel or the Court to enter into the arena. On the facts, the averment against him was not a matter that had occurred out of the blue. It had been on the cards since the beginning of the case. He had all the time available to consider his position. There is no indication that he was taken by surprise in any way as learned counsel for the Respondents put it. If with the opportunity given to him, he did not apprise himself of the law, he is deemed to know the law. Eventually, he preferred to meet the allegation with his explanation.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">On the other aspect of this ground as to whether the explanation was acceptable and should have been accepted by the Court, we shall address it along with Ground 1 (c).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 1(c)</strong> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The grievance of Mr Bernard Georges under  Ground 1 (c) is that the Constitutional Court did not properly examine whether the facts constituted illegal practice. The examination is extremely cursory in the judgment, according to him, in its finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice by publishing and distributing leaflets in the Tamil language to voters from the Tamil Community in Seychelles promising them senior posts in his government, thereby inducing them to vote for him or refrain from voting for the elected President contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Election Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The operative part of the judgment of the Constitutional Court on the question <em>in quo </em>reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                        <em>“While it is not averred that the acts of the Petitioner affected the results of the elections in any way, it is clear that his acts satisfy the provisions of section 51(3)(b) to constitute illegal practices. Even if he was not intending to contravene the law, we view such acts especially by the leader of a political party to be reprehensible and irresponsible. We were particularly dismayed by his non chalance and levity when challenged with the evidence which he admitted. We are obliged to make a report on this matter to the Electoral Commission in terms of striking his name off the register of electors.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">              <strong><em>Court’s examination of the evidence</em></strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The judgment does not give ample details of the examination of the content of the leaflet in what way it constituted an illegal practice. But the language used by the court and the record of the proceedings do show that the court had properly ascertained that the acts constituted an illegal practice within the definition of section 51(3)(b).  The leaflet even if in Tamil was translated in English and cross-examined upon. The content was admitted by the Appellant. The only criticism that can be made of the judgment is that it could have been more elaborate.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This is an exercise we shall carry out deriving our powers under rule 31(3) of the Rules of the Court of Appeal. At the same time, we shall see whether the Court reached the right decision on the facts available on record since it is all a matter of examining a leaflet in the light of the answers given by the Appellant. This will also help us to help users of this law to demarcate the line between the lawful and the unlawful. When are promises made in an electoral campaign lawful? And when are they unlawful?</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We shall look at three cases from three jurisdictions.  The first is <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [2007 SCJ 80]</strong> which was confirmed on appeal by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in <strong>Jugnauth v Ringadoo [2008 UKPC 50]. </strong>One of the allegations was the offer made by an elected member to the Muslim Community for the extension of their cemetery. The second is the case of <strong>Erlam &amp; Ors v Rahman &amp; Ors [supra], </strong>the Tower Hamlets case, in England. This had to do with the issue of an elected Mayor, a Bangla Deshi, canvassing for support from the Bangla Deshi community. We shall then compare them with the Indian case of <strong>Subramaniam Balaji v Government of Tamil Nadu &amp; Others Civil Appeal No. 5130 of 2013]</strong> where two competing parties made competing promises of gifts in cash and kind, including household items to certain classes of people. This will enable us to consider the present case where the Appellant issued a leaflet comprising promises to the Tamil Community for positions and posts in his proposed government.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The impugned leaflet</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The leaflet reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                        <em>“Beloved Tamil hearts you are more than my life and I, Ramkalawan who likes you all write this note to you.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        There is a strong rumour that I will send all Tamil people out of this country and it is a wrong message and I completely deny as rumour.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My grandfather hailed from the State of Uttara Pradesh in India who migrated and settled in Seychelles.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        While I was a religious preacher and as an Opposition Leader I have participated in all wedding ceremonies, birthday functions and funerals of all Tamil origin and I participated with my full heart; I prayed God with my full hearty and Blessed all.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        I merge myself and live together with Indians and Tamils. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        If all of you join together and make me as President, I shall declare Deepavali as Government holiday. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        To flourish all trades of the trading community, my government shall do the necessary and I rule accordingly. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        All suitable consultations shall be made and resolve those stumbling blocks amongst small traders.   </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My Government shall find a solution to VAT very soon.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        Those of you brothers who are afraid of this party in power since last 38 years need to join together now and support my arm; I will be one amongst you when I rule this country.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        If I come to power, suitable tax concession arrangements shall be made for those people whose income remain less than Rupees 10,000.00.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        Laws of GOP and Immigration will be simplified.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My government shall ensure that Seychelles Rupees is not devalued. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        My Government shall take suitable and necessary steps to develop the religions, language and race of all Indians and Tamils.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        A time slot will be allocated to Tamils in Television and Radio (video and audio).</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        While recognizing those long serving Indians and Tamils in Government service, I shall streamline the Ministry of Health and Ministry of Education;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        If we come to power, our government shall not disturb those private employers in employment sector and never disturb at any time;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        To improve the economy of Seychelles (country) we shall do all the necessary infrastructure.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        The above are not just words with decorations I request all of you to support me and other parties who join me and I humbly request you to do so.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>You should also be instrumental for this country to have a good rule flourishing like a flower.  </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        SUPPORT RAMAKALAWAN AND MAKE HIM VICTORIOUS TO HAVE THE STATE OF LORD RAM IN THE SEYCHELLES.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>The Explanation of the Appellant </strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is the explanation of the Appellant that the leaflet is no more than an election manifesto and an election promise like so many electoral promises. We would tend to agree with him and others who would hold that view. Except that at the same time, at some places, the leaflet loses the character of an electoral manifesto and becomes a document of bargain.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Court’s consideration of the content of the impugned leaflet</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The major part of it does look like an ‘election manifesto’ directed to the Tamil Community. It assumes that this community should be afforded a greater participation in his government.  Whether it really qualifies to be considered as an election manifesto, we shall analyze in due course.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">A nice pun is made on the era of Ram and the first syllable of his own name, written to win their hearts. He adds “I merge myself and live together with Indians and Tamils.” There is nothing in it. No promise is made. The concluding tour de force: “SUPPORT RAMKALAWAN AND MAKE HIM VICTORIOUS TO HAVE THE STATE OF RAM IN THE SEYCHELLES,” is political jargon. Account needs to be taken of the fact that the Opposition, in its electoral campaign, is condemned to launch its campaign based on errors of the past to sell a new vision for the future while Government has the advantage of focusing on its achievements in office. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Where does the leaflet hurt section 51(3)(b)?</em></strong></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">At a few places, however, the leaflet begins to hurt the law. It is where it says:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                        <em>“If all of you join together and make me as President, I shall declare Deepavali as a Government holiday. Those who are eligible from the Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        “If we come to power, our Government shall not disturb those private employers in employment sector and never disturb at any time.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“The above are not just words and decorations …”  </em></p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The leaflet has just used a few words too many. The promises are not just words. That it was all meant to attract their electoral support to make him President with a reciprocal commitment is patent.  Targeting a particular community like the Tamils within the larger community of Seychellois, in a language written to them, not accessible to the rest of the community is a risk that a candidate takes just like the Bangla Deshis in the Tower Hamlets case and the Muslim Community on the <strong>Jugnauth v Ringadoo</strong> <strong>[supra]</strong> case.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">As rightly decided in the Tower Hamlets case:</p> <p class="rtejustify">            <em>“There is world of difference … between what might, if unkindly, be termed a general ecclesiastical bleat …., and (am) especially targeted letter aimed at one particular body of the faithful telling them their religious duty is to vote for candidate A and not candidate B. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">What is the law which was violated by those words? Section 51(3)(b) reads:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>51 (3) For the purposes of this section and sections 44, 45 and 47, <u>a person commits an illegal practice where the person</u>—</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        …. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        <u>directly</u> or indirectly, by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, gives or procures or <u>agrees to</u> give or <u>procure or to endeavour to procure, any office, place or employment to or for a voter, or to or for any person, in order to induce the voter to vote or refrain from voting. ….”</u></em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Had the same things been stated differently, it would not have fallen foul of the law. It would have passed the test of legitimacy if he had stated in the leaflet: for example, that the Tamil Community needs to have a proper recognition in the public affairs of Seychelles; that Deepavali needed to have a proper recognition; that the community needed to be properly represented in the Executive and the Civil Service etc.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The reason is that in this case it is the offer to cater for perceived past omissions. But in the way it is written, it is striking a bargain. “Support me for Presidency in return for a Ministerial post in Cabinet and senior post in the public service. This is not an empty word but an undertaking.” The proximity to the election dated is to be noted. The leaflet is dated 9<sup>th</sup> December 2015 and the elections were due on the 16<sup>th</sup> December so that it must have been circulated in between at the time of the electoral sprint. How near to the polling day an impugned activity takes place is an important factor: see <strong>Barrow-in-Furness [4 O’M &amp; H. 77]; Ringadoo v A.K. Jugnauth [infra]</strong>.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The mischief lies in the element of private bargain</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The mischief lies in the element of bargaining. As the reasoning in <strong>Ringadoo v A.K. Jugnauth [2007 SCJ 80] </strong>confirmed on appeal by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in <strong>Jugnauth A.K v Ringadoo [2008 UKPC]:</strong></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">                   <em>“The campaign was conducted not so much along the line of government performance or but on the basis of “donnant donnant” where votes, individually and collectively, were exchanged for jobs in the civil service.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [supra],</strong> the averment was that on the 29<sup>th</sup> of December 2005 at a Centre the respondent had officially announced the acquisition of land of 2 arpents to be given to the Islamic Community as a cemetery with the sole design of inducing, influencing and bribing the voters of Muslim faith.  The Court decided:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“A candidate does not fall foul of our electoral law against bribery where he is selling so to speak government performance or electoral programme or party manifesto to attract votes. That is normal electoral campaigning. … He will fall foul of the law when he is involved in buying votes: i.e. exchange vote for money or any other valuable considerations instead of using cogent arguments to influence the voters. There must be an element of bargaining and the corrupt motive will stand out so obviously from the facts.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Redressing grievances of people of a particular community or locality is part of the <em>“politique de proximité.”</em> But this <em>“politique de proximité”</em> will not shield the politician where the offer of redress is exchanged for votes: see also <strong>Harjit Sing v Umrao Singh [AIR 1980 SC 701].</strong> </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Supreme Court took the view that “to announce certain decisions a few days before polling whether by Cabinet or the Prime Minister may constitute an act of corrupt practice of bribery if done for a purpose which was obviously to induce the voters and which has nothing to do with the political manifesto.”</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the case of Tower Hamlets, the candidate was playing two cards: the race card and the religious card. In our case, it is a community  card. The focus as here was on a letter which contained the then Mayor’s message. The content may be ignored. But what is important is, as has been stated in the operative part of the decision:  <em>“Although the document speaks of the ‘community’ throughout in a neutral fashion, it must be recalled that the letter was published solely in the Bengali language in a newspaper whose readership … was restricted to Bengali speakers. It had not appeared in the English section of the newspaper.” </em>  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Its pernicious character was condemned as “a specially targeted letter aimed at a<em> particular body of the faithful, telling them their religious duty is to vote for candidate A and not for candidate B.”</em> The court sadly found that there was undue influence of the spiritual type and a breach of section 115(2) of the 1983 Act. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>The concept of free and fair election is openness</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The role played by an open offer to needy people through a manifesto is high-lighted in the case of <strong>Subramaniam Balaji v Government of Tamil Nadu &amp; Others [Civil Appeal no. 5130 of 2013.</strong>]</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">While releasing its manifesto one party had offered free distribution of Colour Television sets to each household which did not possess same. The stated intention was to provide recreation and general knowledge to the household women, more particularly living in the rural areas. When the party was elected, forms were distributed for the purpose of screening the eligible recipients and implementing the scheme.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Another party offered in its manifesto grinders, mixers, electric fans, laptop computers, 4-gram gold thalis, Rs50,000-cash for women’s marriage, green houses, 20 kg rice to ration-card holders, free cattle and sheep on certain basis to the needy but not necessarily those under the poverty line. When the respective parties were elected, forms were distributed for the purpose of screening the eligible recipients and implementing the scheme. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Court held that to the extent that these were ventilated in the party public manifesto, the offers could not be taken to be bribes and illegal practices. They stemmed from their manifestos designed to achieving social and economic democracy in the pursuit of the political democracy enshrined in the Constitution.  Thus, the freebies could not be regarded as a decision the court could enter into.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It goes without saying that even if one of the TV sets was offered for a vote which was not foreseen in the manifesto, it would have amounted to an act of corrupt practice.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Definition and role of a political manifesto </em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The acts and doings derive legitimacy from a public document disseminated to the wide electoral population for the purpose of ensuring a level playing field to every participant in the campaign. This is the role played by a political manifesto. What is a political manifesto? It is “<em>a public </em><em>declaration</em><em> of </em><em>intent</em><em>, </em><em>policy</em><em>, </em><em>aims </em><em>etc, as </em><em>issued</em><em> by a political party, government, or movement</em>,” as per Collins English Dictionary, ed. 2016. Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary, Eleventh Edition defines a manifesto as “<em>a written statement declaring publicly the intentions, motives, or views of its issuer</em>.” It is the publicity aspect of it that makes it a manifesto in the sense that it is manifest and not restricted to a specific community. If any activity, including the freebies fall under it, it cannot be regarded as corrupt practice. But the same activity would fall foul of the law if it is not known to the rest of the nation, in a language that is understood by a small community as in this case. A bargain then is being struck privately with the rest of the electorate unaware.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Openness is the key to a free and fair election. The people may only exercise their votes freely and fairly if they are “fully informed of the policies and qualities of all the political parties and candidates through appropriate electoral campaigns to enable voters to make an informed choice.” This extract is taken from the Shared Code of Conduct of the Political Parties and Stake Holders prior to the election in Seychelles of 2015.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Supreme Court in <strong>Ringadoo v Jugnauth [supra]</strong> also commented on the opprobrium of the conduct: a campaign conducted not along party policy line on an election manifesto but an offer made  to a selected group against an offer for community support for election. The difference lies in whether it is a <em>“projet de société”</em> or a <em>“projet personnel”</em> that one is projecting.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is all a question of what you want to convey. It is all right to say to the people or any part of the people: “My party represents this vision for the future of the nation and its people. Your interests and your concerns fall within that vision.” But it is not right to say to them in private: “Your community has been maginalized. You vote for me. And I shall offer you a Ministerial position and a senior post in the public service.”   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Cutting out the mischief in the leaflet</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Had the same message been conveyed differently it would have been regarded as permissible under the law:</li> </ol> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">that the Tamil Community forms an important section of the whole nation;</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">that the Constitution of the Republic speaks of a plural nation;</li> <li class="rtejustify">that they have a number of concerns which hitherto have passed unnoticed by successive governments;</li> <li class="rtejustify">that the community needs to be duly represented in the Civil Service and in the Cabinet;</li> <li class="rtejustify">that time should be allocated in the national TV for an exposure of their culture and festivals;</li> <li class="rtejustify">serious consideration should be given to their festival Deepavali as a public holiday.   </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It may well be that this neutral language would have had greater impact on the community. What is the difference? The same activity stated in one way becomes the opposite of itself when stated in a different way. The difference is obvious when one says: “It is permissible to pray while smoking but it is not permissible to smoke while praying.” The crux of the matter is what do you want to convey?</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The text as worded unhappily conveys the clear message of bargaining for votes, an undertaking to the community that they will obtain Deepavali as a public holiday and places in the Cabinet and senior posts in the civil service against their votes. Learned counsel has argued that there is nowhere the offer of vote mentioned. To us, that is clearly driven home by the design at the end of the document which shows a tick against his name in a simulated ballot paper. This is where it went wrong. We are not quite sure whether the Appellant had this leaflet vetted by his legal adviser/s before he released it. He should have had it so vetted.  </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">This is where what may have been an otherwise worthy political enterprise to pursue went wrong and in our view, therefore, the conclusion of the Constitutional Court that the Appellant had fallen foul of the law cannot be disturbed.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>OUR DECISION ON BREACH OF SECTION 51(3)(b)</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Our answer to paragraph (c) is that, while it is true the Court should have gone into more details to see whether the case against the Appellant was proved, the Constitutional Court did not err in substance in deciding as it did.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 2</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act in that it failed to appreciate that the Newsletter had not contained any stipulation as to vote, had not made any definite promise to any voter, had not been specific as to a voter, and had not offered to procure any office in exchange for a vote.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Before we consider this ground, we may set the record right. The leaflet circulated was not by any standard a Newsletter. It was a private correspondence to the Tamil Community in the Tamil language obviously for their private readership.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Single voter v Community Votes</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Under this ground, if the argument of learned counsel is that section 51(3)(b) only applies where the acts and doings are directed to a single voter and not to a community of voters, the argument is hard to follow. The legislator cannot have intended that where the illegal practice involves a sole voter, section 51(3)(c) applies but where it concerns many voters forming a community or class, it does not. We are not prepared to go with him along this line. On the contrary, the higher the number of people targeted, the greater the gravity.  And where it is generalized, there is a duty to render the election as a whole void.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">However, there is a much shorter answer to this argument. Section <a name="_Toc384023217" id="_Toc384023217">20 of the Interpretations and General Provisions Act reads: </a></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“</em><em>20.       In an Act words in the singular include the plural and words in the plural include the singular.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>GROUND 3</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>The Constitutional Court erred in deciding to report that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice without first:</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a) Considering and giving the Appellant an opportunity of explaining whether the act or omission constituting the alleged illegal practice had been done or made in good faith or through inadvertence or other reasonable cause, or</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b) Considering whether, taking into account all the relevant circumstances, and after having heard the Appellant in that regards, it would be just that the alleged illegal practice should be an exception under the Elections Act and that the Appellant should not be subject to the consequences arising from the commission of the illegal practice. finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We shall take both limbs in the above ground together. What happened was that the moment the Court found that the case alleged against the Appellant was proved, it moved forthwith to the reporting procedure: section 47(1)-(4). These provisions read:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“(1) At the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Constitutional Court shall report in writing to the Electoral Commission—</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        whether an illegal practice has been proved to have been committed by a candidate or an agent of the candidate and the nature of the practice;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        the names and descriptions of all persons who have been proved at the trial to have been guilty of an illegal practice.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(2) Before making any report under subsection (1)(b) in respect of a person who is not a party to an election petition the Constitutional Court shall give the person an opportunity to be heard and to call evidence to show why the person should not be reported.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) When the Constitutional Court reports that an illegal practice has been committed by a person, the person is disqualified for a period of five years from the date of the report from being registered as a voter and from voting at an election or a referendum under this Act.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(4) The Electoral Commission shall cause the name of the person reported under subsection (1) to be removed from the register of voters of the electoral area where the person is registered as a voter.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In that exercise, the Constitutional Court did not apply the provision of section 45(4) which vests it with power to consider any circumstance which would have assuaged the harsh legal consequence of the act and omission of the Appellant. It felt bound by the wording of section 47(1) that at the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Court shall report the fact to the Electoral Commissioner which would lead to his disqualification.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We take the view that the Court should have considered the provision of section 45(4) to ascertain whether there existed reasons in the case which would have distilled the grave consequences of the reporting and disqualification. In other words, a judicious application of section 47(1) should have been made in the light of the provisions under section 45(4). This subsection reads: </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“(4) Where it appears to the Constitutional Court on an election petition—</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(a)        that an act or omission of a candidate or the agent of a candidate or any other person, which, but for this section, would be an illegal practice under this Act, has been done or made in good faith through inadvertence or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause of a like nature; or</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(b)        that upon taking into account all the relevant circumstances it would be just that the candidate, agent of the candidate or the other person should not be subject to any of the consequences under this Act for such act or omission,</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>                        the Court may make an order allowing the act or omission, which would otherwise be an illegal practice under this Act, to be an exception to this Act and the candidate, agent or other person shall not be subject to the consequences under this Act in respect of the act or omission and the result obtained by the candidate shall not, by reason only of that act or omission, be declared to be void.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong><em>Application of Natural Justice</em></strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">However, even if section 45(4) had not existed, natural justice demanded that before the report were to be made, the appellant was entitled to be heard before the coercive order could be made. As was stated in 1615 in <strong>Baggs case [11 Co. Rep 93 b],</strong> bodies entrusted with decision making power could not validly exercise it without first hearing the person who was going to suffer. That proposition of law has been made our own in the case of <strong>Jeremie v Minister CS 154/1994, 20 March 1995</strong> whereby:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“It is the rule of natural justice that when one sits in judgment on others the decision must be supported by valid reasons.” </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In <strong>Russell v Duke of Norfolk [1949] 1 All ER 109 at 119,</strong> Tucker LJ stated as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“The requirements of natural justice must depend on the circumstances of the case, the nature of the inquiry, the rules under which the tribunal is acting, the subject matter to be dealt with, and so forth.” </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In other words, one a Court has made a finding that carries with it sanctions of a coercive nature, particularly of this nature which affects a fundamental Charter right, consideration should be given as to whether the sanction fits the act or omission, is of a grave or light nature before the sanction is imposed proportionally. After a finding that the case was proved against the Appellant, it was open to the Court to give an opportunity to the Appellant to consider the applicability of section 45(4), account taken of the legal consequence that was to follow. This Ground succeeds.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>FINAL CONCLUSION ON MERITS OF THE APPEAL</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Appeal is dismissed on Grounds 1 and 2. But it succeeds on Ground 3.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the circumstances, in the exercise of our powers under Rule 31(1), we would invite learned counsel of the Appellant, if he so wishes, to address us now on the application of section 45(4) to the facts of this case. Otherwise, we assume that the facts are already apparent and the submissions, especially those under paragraph 12 and 13 of his Heads of Argument dated 4<sup>th</sup> July 2016, have <a name="_GoBack" id="_GoBack"></a> sufficiently canvassed the points, in which case we shall proceed under Rule 31(3) to consider whether it is just to report the matter to the Electoral Commissioner under section 47(1) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>FINAL DECISION </strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">APPLICATION OF SECTION 47(1) OF THE ELECTIONS ACT  </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Further to our decision on the grounds of appeal, we have considered the facts of this appeal and the submissions of learned counsel for the appellant and the stand taken by the Respondents.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">We take the view that the acts and omissions arose in a one-off incident through inadvertence or misapprehension of the law.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Taking that into account and all the relevant circumstances, we take the view that it would be just that the candidate should not be subject to the legal consequences under the Act.</li> <li class="rtejustify">We, accordingly, spare the Appellant the application of section 47(1) of the Elections Act with respect to the Reporting requirement to the Electoral Commissioner.  In the circumstances, we make no order as to costs.  </li> </ol> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p><strong>S. Domah (J.A)</strong></p> <p><strong>I concur:.                                ………………….                     F. MacGregor (PCA)</strong></p> <p><strong>I concur:.                                ………………….                     J. Msoffe (JA)</strong></p> <p><strong>Signed, dated and delivered at Palais de Justice, Ile du Port on 12 August 2016</strong></p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p><strong>Judgment of  <strong>Fernando (J.A)</strong></strong></p> </div> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Appellant has appealed against the part of the decision of the Constitutional Court which made a finding that he committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act (Cap 68A) on the following grounds:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act without:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Any party to the Petition having prayed for any relief in respect of the alleged illegal practice</li> <li class="rtejustify">Warning the Petitioner that he risked being penalised for having committed an illegal practice and giving him an opportunity of being heard thereon otherwise than to counter a mere allegation raised</li> <li class="rtejustify">Considering the evidence supporting the alleged illegal practice in detail and assessing that evidence in light of the requirements of section 51(3)(b).</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act in that it failed to appreciate that the newsletter had not contained any stipulation as to vote, had not made any definite promise to any voter, had not been specific as to a voter, and had not offered to procure any office in exchange for a vote.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Constitutional Court erred in deciding to report that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice without first:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Considering and giving the Appellant an opportunity of explaining, whether the act or omission constituting the alleged illegal practice had been done or made in good faith or through inadvertence or other reasonable cause, or</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Considering whether, taking into account all the relevant circumstances, and after having heard the Appellant in that regard, it would be just that the illegal practice should be an exception under the Elections Act and that the Appellant should not be subject to the consequences arising from the commission of the alleged illegal practice.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">By way of relief the Appellant has prayed for an order allowing the appeal, reversing the finding of the Constitutional Court that an illegal practice had been committed by the Appellant in respect of a newsletter issued to the Tamil Community of Seychelles, and quashing any decision of the Court pursuant to the finding.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is best to understand the background to this case and for that purpose I have adopted the statements in the judgment of the Constitutional Court which accurately sets out the facts in this regard:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify">“[1] In early December 2015, the citizens of Seychelles went to the Polling Stations to choose their president for the next five years. This important democratic exercise was run by the First Respondent, the Electoral Commission, which is a politically independent body constitutionally mandated to conduct and supervise elections in Seychelles (see article 115(3) and article 116(1)(a) of the Constitution of the Republic of Seychelles, hereinafter referred to as “the Constitution”). The Petitioner, Mr. Wavel John Charles Ramkalawan, (<em>Appellant in this case</em>) and the Second Respondent, Mr. James Alix Michel, were both candidates for the presidency for their respective political parties, Seychelles National Party (SNP) and Parti Lepep (PL).</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[2]…The elections took place over three days (3rd to 5th December 2015) to allow Seychellois living on remote islands to vote first, followed by the inhabitants of the three main populated islands of Mahé, Praslin and La Digue on the final day. Six political parties fielded candidates in the election and a staggering 87.4 percent of the eligible voters turned out on the day to cast their ballot, (a total number of 62,004 people)…</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[3] …In this election, the Second Respondent, who was running for his third term of office, secured the highest percentage of votes (47.76%). However, he failed to secure the required fifty percent of the votes in the election in order to be appointed as the president (see in this regard schedule 3, paragraph 5 of the Constitution). The Petitioner secured 35.33% of the vote with the other four opposition parties making up the remaining percentages...</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[4] With no candidate securing more than fifty percent of the vote, the First Respondent was required by law to run a second round of elections. According to Schedule 3 paragraph 8 of the Constitution, in a second round of presidential elections only the two candidates with the highest number of votes take part. Therefore, the Petitioner (<em>Appellant in this case</em>) and the Second Respondent were to run against each other.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[5] The second round of the election was held on 16th, 17th and 18th December 2015.  A record number of 63,983 persons voted over the three days… Late in the evening on 18th December 2015, the following results were declared by the First Respondent:-</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">31,319 (49.85% of the votes) votes in favour of the Petitioner (Appellant in this case).</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">31,512 (50.15% of the votes) in favour of the Second Respondent.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Hence, the Second Respondent won the election by 193 votes.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[6] After this historic process, the Petitioner brought two cases to the Constitutional Court as he felt aggrieved by the declaration by the First Respondent, that the Second Respondent was validly elected President of Seychelles. The first case was brought as a Constitutional Petition in terms of Article 130 of the Constitution and given case number CP 07/2015. The second, this Petition was brought under section 51 of the Constitution and section 44 of the Elections Act, Cap 68A (hereinafter “the Act”). This case is assigned the case number CP 01/2016.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[7] The Third Respondent, the Attorney General, was joined to the Petition under rule 7(4) of the Presidential Election and National Assembly Election (Election Petition) Rules, 1998.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[8] The Petition was lodged in the Registry of the Supreme Court on the 5th January, 2016, and the Respondents filed their replies thereto. Since both cases involve the same parties the two cases, CP 01/2016 and CP 07/2015 were consolidated for the purposes of hearing the matters and the hearings commenced on the 14th January 2016. Today we are handing down judgments in both matters separately under their assigned case numbers.”.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">3. The appeal in this case is against the part of the judgment of the Constitutional Court in CP 01/2016 wherein the Constitutional Court made a finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act and the decision of the Constitutional Court to make a report on this matter to the Electoral Commission in terms of striking the Appellant’s name off the register of voters.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The part of the decision of the Constitutional Court which made a finding that the Petitioner committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act is set out below:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“The Second Respondent did not file a Counter Petition but averred in his Statement of Defence that the Petitioner had himself committed an illegal practice by publishing and distributing leaflets in the Tamil Language to voters from the Tamil Community in Seychelles promising them inter alia senior posts in his government so as induce them to vote for him or to refrain from voting for the Second Respondent. <strong>This</strong> was contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Act (supra) (paragraph 473 of the judgment)(emphasus added by me)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><u>While it is not averred that the acts of the Petitioner affected the results of the elections in any way</u>, it is clear that his acts satisfy the provisions of section 51 (3) (b) to constitute illegal practices. <u>Even if he was not intending to contravene the law</u>, <u>we view such acts <strong>‘especially by the leader of a political party to be reprehensible and irresponsible’</strong></u>. <u>We were particularly dismayed by <strong>‘his nonchalance and levity when challenged with the evidence’</strong>, which he admitted</u>. We are obliged to make a report on this matter to the Electoral Commission in terms of striking his name off the register of voters. (paragraph 474 of the judgment).[emphasis added by me]</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">We take this opportunity to warn future candidates to be careful about their conduct and the potential when making <u>electioneering</u> promises in contravention of the provisions of the law. (paragraph 475 of the judgment) (emphasis added by me)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">For the avoidance of any doubt, a report by the Constitutional Court will be forwarded to the Electoral Commission in regards to the illegal practice by the Petitioner pursuant to section 47(1) (a) of the Act. (paragraph 529 of the judgment)”</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">I refer below to all the references made in the 130 page judgment which had 530 paragraphs in regard to the illegal practice committed by the Petitioner:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“On the other hand, the Second Respondent averred that the Petitioner had committed an illegal practice by publishing and distributing leaflets in the Tamil Language to voters from the Tamil Community in Seychelles promising them senior posts in his government, thereby inducing them to vote for him or to refrain from voting for the Second Respondent. This was</p> <p class="rtejustify">contrary to Section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act”. (paragraph 22 of the judgment)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Mr. Hoareau, on behalf of the Second Respondent, introduced a letter which the Petitioner had written to the Tamil Community on the 9th of December 2015. In the letter the Petitioner committed himself to protecting the interests of the Tamil community, undertook to make Deepavali a national holiday and to appoint “those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins (in) suitably placed positions in (his) cabinet”. These were amongst other benefits to the Tamil community if they were to vote for him.In response the Petitioner stated that it was simply politicking and that all elections are about promises. (paragraph 267 of the judgment)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Second Respondent called Mr. Rajasundaram who is a registered voter at Bel Ombre since 1999. His former mother language is Tamil which he can read and write. He explained what the Tamil Community is and where people who speak the Tamil language originate from. He was shown the letter sent to those from the Tamil Community where he was asked to identify and compare the translated Tamil with the English version. Mr. Ramkalawan had made promises to the Tamil Community and inquired of his impression when reading the letter. The witness stated that in his opinion, this was a manifesto of a political party and that the Tamil Community was being considered and that the document was requesting that the Tamil Community vote for Mr. Ramkalawan and that there were a lot of promises that were made in the letter. The witness stated that he knew many Tamil voters and gave a few names. (paragraph 268 of the judgment)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Attorney General read section 51 (3)(b) of the Act in relation to illegal practices, he asked the witness whether the letter was an offer which was illegal according to the law which Mr. Rajasundaram agreed. Further Mr. Rajasundaram agreed that Mr. Ramkalawan was inducing the Tamil Community to vote for him and in return for a favour. (paragraph 269 of the judgment)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Mr. Georges questioned the witness on <u>the Tamil community</u>, the witness stated that the community <u>is not a person but a community</u>. Further, he stated that <u>there was not a specific person who was promised a post as a minister or Principal Secretary and the letter was not personalised</u>. It was agreed that there was no signature on the letter. Mr. Rajasundaram stated that he received the letter between the first and second round of elections despite the letter being dated 9<sup>th</sup>December 2015. (paragraph 270 of the judgment)” [emphasis added by me]</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The translated contents of the leaflet produced as Exhibit P15 at the hearing and an extract of which is referred to at paragraph 473 of the judgment as set out at paragraph 4 above, is set out below verbatim:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ul> <li class="rtejustify"> </li> </ul> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">There is a strong rumour that I will send all Tamil people out of this country and it is a wrong message and I completely deny as rumour.</p> <p class="rtejustify">My ancestors hail from Indian origin in Mauritius.</p> <p class="rtejustify">My grandfather hailed from the State of Uttara Pradesh in India who migrated and settled in Seychelles.</p> <p class="rtejustify">While I was a religious preacher and as an opposition leader I have participated in all wedding ceremonies, birthday functions and funerals of all Tamil origin and I participated with my full heart; I have prayed God with my full heart and Blessed all</p> <p class="rtejustify">I merge myself and live together with Indians and Tamils</p> <p class="rtejustify">If all of you join together and make me as President,</p> <p class="rtejustify">I shall declare Deepavali as Government holiday</p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify">To flourish all trades of trading community, my Government shall do the necessary and I rule accordingly.</p> <p class="rtejustify">All suitable consultations shall be made and resolve those stumbling blocks amongst small traders</p> <p class="rtejustify">My Government shall find a solution to VAT very soon</p> <p class="rtejustify">Those of you brothers who are afraid of this party in power since last 38 years need to join together now and support my arm; I will be one amongst you when I rule this country.</p> <p class="rtejustify">If I come to power, suitable tax concession arrangements shall be made for those people whose income remain less than Rupees 10,000.00</p> <p class="rtejustify">Laws of GOP and Immigration will be simplified</p> <p class="rtejustify">My government shall ensure that Seychelles Rupees is not devalued.</p> <p class="rtejustify">My Government shall take suitable and necessary steps to develop the religions, language and race of all Indians and Tamils;</p> <p class="rtejustify">A time slot will be allocated to Tamils in Television and Radio (video and audio)</p> <p class="rtejustify">While recognizing those long serving Indians and Tamils in Government service, I shall streamline the Ministry of Health and Ministry of Education;</p> <p class="rtejustify">If we come to power, our Government shall not disturb those private employers in employment sector and never disturb at any time;</p> <p class="rtejustify">To improve the economy of Seychelles (country) we shall do the entire necessary infrastructure.</p> <p class="rtejustify">The above are not just words with decorations I request all of you to support me and other parties who join me and I humbly request you to do so.</p> <p class="rtejustify">You should also be instrumental for this country to have a good rule flourishing like a flower</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>SUPPORT RAMKALAWAN AND MAKE HIM VICTORIOUS TO HAVE STATE OF LORD RAM IN THE SEYCHELLES.”</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is of importance to note the cross-examination of the Appellant by Counsel for the Second Respondent in regard to the contents of P15, which I have decided to record in part, but verbatim; in order to understand whether the Appellant had committed an illegal practice taking also into consideration the provisions of section 45(4) of the Elections Act, which is referred to at paragraph 8 below.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“Q. Mr. Ramkalawan if I may take you to the part where you said that those who are eligible from the Tamil and the Indian origins would be suitably placed positions in my cabinet and Principal Secretaries, what were you offering to the Tamil community there?</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A. Well I was not offering anything in particular to the tamil or people of Indian origin, What I was basically saying is if there are people of Tamil and Indian origin who are eligible and who are suitable qualified they could very well just like anybody else be part of Government. They could be given ministerial positions or other positions in government. And if there was no one whom I found eligible that person would not be.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Q. Why did you see it necessary to address the community and to tell them that people from their community could be placed in your cabinet or could be given positions as principal secretaries?</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A. Well, this is something that I had already expounded on during the campaign. I had already presented myself as somebody who was open that there would be no restriction. Mr. Amed Afif for example who is a Muslim had already been named as the Minister of Finance in meeting, so basically I was saying this would be a government where there would be no discrimination and furthermore it was also very important for me to write to the Tamil community because there had been this notion that Ramkalawan and the SNP were xenophobes and that they hated foreigners, and given that the Tamil community is a big community that votes I thought it was my duty as a Politician campaigning to also seek their vote.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Q. Mr. Ramkalawan I put it to you that what you were doing, you were inducing the voters from the Tamil community to vote for you telling them that in return you would be given posts in your government, ministerial and principal secretarial post to members of the Tamil community.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:upper-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify"> </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Q. Mr. Ramkalawan with all due respect I am not insinuating that, what I am saying is that you were trying to induce these people to vote for you by promising, making promises of ministerial posts in your government to members of that community.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A. My Lords, election is about promises, so if I make a promise to the Tamil community is it not the same as making a promise to the elderly? Is it not the same as making a promise to young people? Is not the same as making other promises? This is what elections are all about…….</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Q. So you agree with me that you were inducing these people to vote for you on the promise of offering ministerial posts and principal secretarial post in your government to members of their community?</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A. So what? I mean this is my answer my Lords”</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act (Cap 68A); under which the Constitutional Court  had made a finding that the Petitioner had committed an illegal practice; states as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ul> <li class="rtejustify"> </li> </ul> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>directly or indirectly, by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, gives or procures or agrees to give or procure or to endeavour to procure, any office, place or employment to or for a voter, or to or for any person, in order to induce the voter to vote or refrain from voting, or corruptly does any such act aforesaid on account of the voter having voted or refrained from voting at an election;”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The part that is relevant to this case in section 45 of the Elections Act (Cap 68A) states as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ul> <li class="rtejustify"> </li> </ul> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify"><em>That an act or omission of a candidate or the agent of a candidate or any other person, which, but for this section, would be an illegal practice under this Act, has been done or made in good faith through inadvertence or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause of a like nature; or </em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify"><em>That upon taking into account all the relevant circumstances it would be just that the candidate, agent of the candidate or the other person should not be subject to any of the consequences under this Act for such act or omission,</em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>the Court may make an order allowing the act or omission, which would otherwise be an illegal practice under this Act, to be an exception to this Act and the candidate, agent or other person shall not be subject to the consequences under this Act in respect of the act or omission and the result obtained by the candidate shall not, by reason only of that act or omission, be declared to be void.”</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Section 47 of the Elections Act (Cap 68A) states as follows:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“(1) At the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Constitutional Court shall report in writing to the Electoral Commission – </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify"><em>Whether an illegal practice has been proved to have been committed by a candidate or an agent of the candidate and the nature of the practice;</em></li> <li class="rtejustify"><em>The names and descriptions of all persons who have been proved at the trial to have been guilty of an illegal practice.</em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(2) Before making any report under subsection (1)(b) in respect of a person who is not a party to an election petition the Constitutional Court shall give the person an opportunity to be heard and to call evidence to show why the person should not be reported.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(3) When the Constitutional Court reports that an illegal practice has been committed by a person, the person is disqualified for a period of five years from the date of the report from being registered as a voter and from voting at an election or a referendum under this Act.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>(4) The Electoral Commission shall cause the name of the person reported under subsection (1) to be removed from the register of voters of the electoral area where the person is registered as a voter.”          </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is clear that the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had made a finding against the Appellant under section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act,  solely on the basis of the promise to voters from the Tamil community in Seychelles that “Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries”, so as to induce them to vote for him or refrain from voting for the Second Respondent, as set out in the leaflet referred to at paragraph 6 above. It was ‘<strong>this</strong>’ statement according to the learned Judges that “was contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act”. Even the cross-examination of the Appellant by Counsel for the Second Respondent in relation to P15 had been restricted to the issue of ministerial appointments and appointments of principal secretaries. Also the examination-in-chief of the Second Respondent’s witness Mr. S Rajasundaram had been only on the issue of ministerial appointments. Section 51(3)(b) referred to at paragraph 8 above makes reference only to giving or procuring or agreeing to give or procure or to endeavouring to procure, <u>any office, place or employment</u>. Thus whatever other statements made in the leaflet have not been treated, and in my view correctly, as amounting to illegal practices by the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court. This is for the reason that none of those statements come within the purview of illegal practices in section 51(3) (a) to (q) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is therefore necessary to ascertain what was the basis of for the finding of the Constitutional Court against the Appellant under section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act. The reasoning is spelt out in the judgment: “Even if he was not intending to contravene the law, we view such acts especially by the leader of a political party to be reprehensible and irresponsible. We were particularly dismayed by his nonchalance and levity when challenged with the evidence, which he admitted.”</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The following elements had necessarily to be established before making a finding against the Appellant under section 51(3)(b), in relation to the facts of this case, namely:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:upper-roman"> <li class="rtejustify">That the Appellant,</li> <li class="rtejustify">corruptly,</li> <li class="rtejustify">agreed to give or procure or endeavoured to  procure,</li> <li class="rtejustify">any office or employment,</li> <li class="rtejustify">to a voter, or to or for any person,</li> <li class="rtejustify">in order to induce the voter to vote.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> In <strong>Barrow-in Furness, 4 O.M &amp; H77,</strong> it was held that “<em>there can be no corrupt practice without a corrupt intention</em>.” In <strong>Halsbury’s laws of England, 4<sup>th</sup> Ed</strong>, <strong>paragraph 684, foot note 11</strong>, the word ‘corruptly’ has been defined as: “<em>It imports  intention</em>, <strong>Wallingford case (1869) 1 O’M &amp; H 57</strong>. <em>It does not mean wickedly, immorally or dishonestly of that sort</em>, <strong>Bewdly case (1869) 1 O’M &amp; H 16,</strong> <em>but doing something knowing that it is wrong,</em> <strong>Bradford case No 2 (1869) 1 O’M &amp; H 37</strong>, <em>and doing it with the object and intention of doing that thing which the Statute intended to forbid,</em> <strong>Norfolk, Northern Division case (1869) 1 O’M &amp; H 236</strong>”. By stating in their judgment that “Even if he was not intending to contravene the law,” the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had erroneously omitted to consider one of the main elements of the offence, namely, ‘corruptly’, the mens rea of the offence. Further in stating that they doubted whether the Appellant intended to contravene the law, the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had contradicted their own statement at paragraph 425 of the judgment: “The elements of the illegal practice seem to include some mens rea in that the candidate……must have knowledge of the illegal practice.”.  It is my view that it is not a question of “seeming to include some mens rea” but positive proof of it.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> If the elements of section 51(3)(b) as itemized above are proved, a person commits the offence, regardless whether he is a leader of a political party or not. The fact that he is a leader of a political party does not in any way prove the offence save the fact that it may be considered in relation to the penalty to be imposed. Again the “nonchalance and levity when challenged with the evidence, which he (<em>Appellant</em>) admitted” is not an element of the offence and cannot be a basis for a finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">I have tried to research on cases similar to the facts of this case where a promise had been extended to members of a particular community in order to induce them to vote and have come across the Mauritian case of <strong>Ringadoo N R D V Jugnauth AK, 2007 SCJ 80, Record No. 90234</strong> which has a semblance of similarity. In that case Jugnauth, who was seeking re-election, had <u>falsely</u> made a statement to Muslim members of his constituency, four days before the poll, that the Government, of which he was a Minister at that time, had given free of charge a plot of land of 2 arpents adjoining Circonstance Cemetry with a view to providing additional space for the Muslim section of the cemetery, in order to induce them to vote for him. The Supreme Court of Mauritius held in that case: <em>“<u>The statement</u> of the respondent, some four days before the poll, <u>was no doubt misleading</u>. <u>Such misrepresentation </u>could not have been inadvertently but which we consider <u>was done with a corrupt motive as we can safely and reasonably infer having regards to all the prevailing circumstances</u>........<u>The misleading statement of the respondent constitutes nothing more than a corrupt practice of bribery to mislead and to influence the Muslim voters</u> of constituency no.8, which constitute 10% of the voters, to vote for his party. <u>It was an attempt to gratify the Muslim voters by inducing them to believe that the Government had donated land worth Rs 2 m for extension of the Muslim cemetery, <strong>when that was not the case</strong>.</u></em>” Thus it is the falsity of the statement, which was a misrepresentation of facts and which was misleading the voters, that was considered as amounting to a corrupt motive in this case. Further there were no qualifications added to that statement nor was the donation of land subjected to any conditions. Also this was a promise that would have benefitted all the Muslim members of constituency no 8.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the case before us there was no allegation from the Second Respondent that the statement “Those who are <u>‘eligible’</u> from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries”; was false, misleading or a misrepresentation or was not meant to be fulfilled by the Appellant. In fact it had been the Appellant’s testimony before the Court: “so basically I was saying this would be a government where there would be no discrimination”.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The words: <em>“agreed to give or procure or endeavoured to procure....any office or employment”</em> in section 51(3)(b) necessarily connotes a definitive offer of office or employment and not one to which the Promissor has added a qualification, namely “those who are eligible”. Further it is something that should be within the sole competence of the Promissor to give and not one such which would need the approval of another person, body or authority. In the case of appointment of Ministers, the President has to, in view of the provisions of article 69(2) of the Constitution; obtain the approval of a majority of the members of the National Assembly. </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In my view it was mandatory for the Constitutional Court, even if they were of the view that an illegal practice had been committed by the Appellant; in view of the provisions in section 45(4) of the Elections Act, to consider ex proprio motu, whether such act had been done or made <em>“<strong><u>in good faith</u></strong> <strong><u>through inadvertence</u></strong> or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause of a like nature; or that <strong><u>upon taking into account all the relevant circumstances</u></strong>”</em> it would be just that the Appellant was not disenfranchised. Counsel for the 2<sup>nd</sup> Respondent had conceded to this in his Skeleton Heads of Argument at 2.6 when he said: “It is clear from a reading of section 47(1), that <u>the Constitutional Court <strong>has an obligation, subject to section 45(4) of the Act</strong></u>, to make the report in terms of the said section 47(1)”. Thus Counsel’s argument at 4.4 that “Furthermore, both in his written submissions and closing address, Mr. George did not raise argument that could have rendered section 45(4) applicable in respect of the illegal practice committed by the Appellant”; becomes meaningless. A reading of the judgment shows that the Constitutional Court had not considered any of the matters set out in section 45(4) of the Elections Act. It is clear that the Constitutional Court had not considered the following:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">The reason given by the Appellant for making the statement, namely that “There is a strong rumour that I will send all Tamil people out of this country and it is a wrong message and I completely deny as rumour” and again “....it was also very important for me to write to the Tamil community because there had been this notion that Ramkalawan and the SNP were xenophobes and that they hated foreigners,...” It was incumbent upon the Court to assess the testimony of the Appellant in this regard, especially because it had not been challenged by any of the Respondents, and give their reasons for accepting or rejecting the testimony of the Appellant.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">That according to article 69(2) of the Constitution, the appointment of Ministers is subject to the approval of a majority of the members of the National Assembly. This had to be considered in the light of the political broadcast attributed to Dr. Herminie, the Speaker of the National Assembly as referred to at paragraph 444 of the judgment, that if the Appellant were to win the elections there might be a risk of his (reference here is to the Appellant) Ministers, not being appointed as the National Assembly were filled with members of the Second Respondent’s party; and the pronouncement of the Constitutional Court itself at paragraph 446 that Dr. Herminie’s remarks, <u>correctly stated,</u> the consequences of the law, should the Appellant have been elected.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">That all that the Appellant had stated was “Those who are <u>eligible</u> from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries”.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">That none of the other statements in P 15 referred to at paragraph 5 above, come within the purview of illegal practices in section 51(3) (a) to (q) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify">Constitutional Court’s own statement at paragraph 474 of the judgment referred to at paragraph 4 above, that the acts of the Petitioner had not affected the results of the elections in any way.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify"><u>The pronouncement by the Constitutional Court, at paragraph 469</u> of the judgment, that the announcement of the Government to pay all Seychellois employees, of the Indian Ocean Tuna Limited (a company in which the Government is a shareholder), earning less than SR 15,000 monthly, a thirteenth month incentive salary, just before the second round of elections, in the context of an election year <u>amounted to ‘electioneering’</u>. It would be in my view contradictory to treat that as ‘electioneering’ and the statement of the Petitioner to place those eligible Tamil and Indian origin people in suitably placed positions as an ‘illegal practice’.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> I am also of the view that the making of the statement “Those who are <u>eligible</u> from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries”, has been addressed to a community at large, with qualifications attached to it. According to the Second Respondent’s witness Mr. S. Rajasundaram the promise had been to the world at large and does not personalise anyone<u>. <strong>In my view this statement in P15 by a Presidential candidate, does not certainly amount to an illegal practice.</strong></u> It had been the position of the Appellant that <u>Tamils and people of Indian origin are also Seychellois</u> and should not be discriminated against and left out of Government. I cannot lose sight of the fact that the Preamble to the Constitution states:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ul> <li class="rtejustify"> </li> </ul> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>RECOGNISING the inherent dignity and the <u>equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family</u> as the foundation for freedom, justice, welfare, fraternity, peace and unity:</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>REAFFIRMING that these rights include the rights of the individual to life, liberty and <u>the pursuit of happiness free from all types of discrimination</u>;</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>EXERCISING our natural and inalienable right to a framework of Government which shall secure for ourselves and posterity <u>the blessings......equality of opportunity</u></em>;”</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is in that context that the Appellant’s testimony before the Court in cross examination, that he will not discriminate and leave Seychellois of Indian or Tamil origin out of government “and <u>that everybody should have a place in this country</u>”, should be considered.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">At paragraph 474 of the judgment the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had stated: “Even if he was not intending to contravene the law, we view such <u>acts</u> especially by the leader of a political party to be reprehensible and irresponsible.” At the very outset I am at a loss to understand how the making of <u>the</u> statement “Those who are eligible from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries”, can amount to “<u>acts</u>” and be reprehensible and irresponsible. It appears that the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court have taken into consideration other extraneous matters in reaching their conclusion.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had also stated at paragraph 474 of the judgment: “We were particularly dismayed by his nonchalance and levity when challenged with the evidence, which he admitted.” The Learned Judge’s comment about the Appellant’s ‘nonchalance and levity’ when challenged with the evidence in regard to the promise of offering ministerial posts, is due to his response “<strong>So what?</strong>”; as argued by Counsel for the Appellant at the hearing and found in the record of proceedings under cross-examination by Counsel for the Second Respondent and referred to at paragraph 7 above. A report under section 47 of the Elections Act to have the Appellant’s name struck of the register of voters should be made on a proper assessment of the provisions of section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act and the contested statement and not on the basis of the “nonchalance and levity” of the Appellant when challenged with the evidence at the trial. If the Appellant’s demeanour bordered on contempt he could have been separately dealt with for that. The Appellant’s “nonchalance and levity” may also be understood to mean that he genuinely believed that the statement in the leaflet that “Those who are <u>eligible</u> from Tamil and Indian origins will be suitably placed positions in my cabinet; principal secretaries” did not amount to an illegal practice and one that he as a Presidential candidate, could validly make. This goes to show the lack of a ‘corrupt intention’ on the part of the Appellant, which is an essential element of the offence under section 51(3)(b). As stated at paragraph 14 above in order to prove a corrupt intention it must be shown that the Appellant had “done something knowing that it is wrong” or done it “with the object and intention of doing that thing which the statute intended to forbid”. This also brings in the element of “good faith” referred to in section 45(4)(a) of the Elections Act and as set out in paragraph 9 above. ‘Good faith’ is an abstract and comprehensive term that encompasses a sincere belief or motive without any malice or the desire to defraud others.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The Elections Act provides for two instances when a name of a person shall be removed from the register of voters, namely under section 47(4) when the Constitutional Court reports that an illegal practice has been committed at the conclusion of a trial of an election petition and where a person is convicted of committing an illegal practice in accordance with the provisions of section 52(2). The learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had been acting under the provisions of section 47(1)(b) of the Elections Act referred to at  paragraph 10 above, when they said: “We are obliged to make a report on this matter to the Electoral Commission in terms of striking his name off the register of voters”. Section 47(1)(b) makes reference to a person who has been proved at the trial of an Election Petition <em>“to have been guilty of an illegal practice”</em> to be reported to the Electoral Commission. The Constitutional Court had adopted the civil standard of proof, which is proof on a balance of probabilities, in coming to the finding that the Appellant is guilty of an illegal practice, as evidenced by paragraph 412 of the judgment. It therefore becomes necessary to examine the standard of proof necessary before making a decision to report a person to the Electoral Commission on the basis that an illegal practice has been proved to be committed.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The learned Judges of the Constitutional Court have correctly raised this issue at paragraph 376 of their judgment as follows: “However, there has been much jurisprudential and statutory development with regard to quasi-criminal cases (which are cases where the Court is required to make a finding, in the course of a civil trial, on an act which also constitutes a criminal act under the same or another law)” and given due consideration to it in paragraphs 387 – 412 of their judgment.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It will be useful to make reference to certain passages of the judgment of the Constitutional Court as much research has gone into it.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“[387] What weight should the court put on the material facts placed before it? The issue is problematic arising from the nature of evidence in election cases and the vocabulary used in the Act. Sections 44 (7) (b) and 47 (1) (a) and (b) contain the words <em>illegal practice</em> and <em>guilty of an illegal practice.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[388] The use of such phrases usually associated with criminal trials in the provisions above is at odds with section 45 (1) of the Act which provides:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>The trial of an Election Petition, shall, subject to this Act, be held in the same manner as</em> <em>a trial before the Supreme Court in its original civil jurisdiction</em>. (Emphasis ours)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[389]More problematic is the fact that the Election Petition brought by the Petitioner alleges both non-compliance with the Act (section 44(7) (a)) and illegal practices (section 47((b)). While it is evident that the standard of proof in relation to the former should clearly be that of civil cases, <u>in the case of the latter the standard may be that of criminal cases.</u></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[390] <u>Hence, while section 45(1) provides that election Petitions are private legal processes, sections 44 and 47 import a criminal element in terms of a finding of illegal practice by a particular person.</u> It is for this reason that the Respondents’ Counsel have argued that considering the public interest in identifying and remedying electoral malpractice, the civil standard of proof may not be appropriate. In the case of <em>Ogilvy Berlouis  and anor v Holden Pierre and ors</em> (1974)SLR 221, although it was argued that the trial of an Election Petition was conducted in the same way as that of a civil trial, Souyave CJ was of the view that a higher standard of proof was required. Relying on Hansard he stated that in such cases the court had to “be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt or, in other words, be fully satisfied that the election is void before upsetting it.”</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[393] Having reviewed the above authorities in the case of <em>In Re B (Children) (Fc)</em> [2008] UKHL 35, Lord Hoffmann stated:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>I think that the time has come to say, once and for all, that there is only one civil standard of proof and that is proof that the fact in issue more probably occurred than not. I do not intend to disapprove any of the cases in what I have called the first category, but I agree with the observation of Lord Steyn in McCann’s case (at 812) that clarity would be greatly enhanced if the courts said simply that although the proceedings were civil, the nature of the particular issue involved made it appropriate to apply the criminal standard.</em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[397] In the UK the issue was raised in <em>R v Rowe ex parte Mainwaring and Others</em> [1992] 1 WLR 1059 and the Court found that it must apply the criminal standard of proof, namely proof beyond reasonable doubt. This was reaffirmed in <em>Simmons v Khan</em> [2008] EWHC B4 (QB) in respect of the standard of proof against the Respondent and his agents for the corrupt or illegal practices and for general corruption but the civil standard of proof was applied to the question of whether the general corruption may reasonably be supposed to have affected the result of the election.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ul> <li class="rtejustify">398]Lately, in <em>Erlam &amp;Ors v Rahman &amp; Anor</em> (The Tower Hamlets case supra), the Court stated:</li> </ul> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>There was no controversy at the hearing about the standard of proof the court must apply to the charges of corrupt and illegal practices. It is settled law that the court must apply the criminal standard of proof, namely proof beyond reasonable doubt. This was definitively decided by the Court of Appeal in R v Rowe, ex parte Mainwaring, a decision binding on this court.</em>(paragraph 47)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It must be noted that in the UK as in the Seychelles at the end of an Election Petition alleging corrupt or illegal practices, the court decides whether a person is guilty of such practices<u>. It is only in terms of these practices that the criminal burden of proof applies</u>.”</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Having made references to several other authorities from the UK, Mauritius, Ghana, Zambia, Uganda and Kenya; the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court have in their judgment also considered the following matters:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“[405] However, elections in Seychelles are a civil matter, even if there are some findings of criminal activity involved. As we have pointed out the Act does contain criminal law phraseology but <u>the provisions also envisage two distinct processes- one in terms of voiding elections and the other in terms of reporting persons to the Electoral Commission for committing illegal practices with the possibility of the Electoral Commission striking the person off the electoral register.</u> In the case of the latter, such a report by the Court may not be made until those persons are given an opportunity to be heard and to have evidence called to show why they should not be reported. We are not at this stage engaged in the latter process although we are obliged by the provisions of the Act to undertake this exercise.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">[406] The Act also, separately to the Election Petition process, provides for offences which may be prosecuted by the Attorney General with penalties of up to three years imprisonment and fines of up to SR20,000.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">At paragraph 412 of the judgment having considered the standard of proof at length the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had come to the following conclusion:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“In our view this raises important questions about the threshold of proof that should be applied in presidential election disputes and how it should be discharged. <u>We have <strong>‘given anxious consideration’</strong> to these issues</u> <u>and have come to the conclusion that given all the different considerations above <strong>it is</strong> the civil standard of proof, that is <strong>proof on a balance of probabilities, that should be applied when considering</strong> whether an election is void by reason of non-compliance with the provisions of the Act and, or<strong> the commission of illegal practices</strong></u>.” (emphasis added by me)</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In my view the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court appear to have vacillated in the course of their reasoning as to the standard of proof to be applied in relation to the commission of illegal practices, especially before making a report under section 47 of the Elections Act. This is to be seen in the underlined portions of their judgment at paragraphs 389, 390, 398, 405 and 407 referred to above. The adoption of the civil standard of proof in coming to a finding against the Appellant was erroneous, and thus the finding that the Appellant had been proved at the trial to have been guilty of an illegal practice becomes faulty. <u>It is my firm belief that even on the application of the civil standard of proof, which is proof on a balance of probabilities, a case against the Appellant, has not been proved under section 47 of the Elections Act.</u></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had fallen into this error as a result of a misreading of section 45 of the Elections Act, which they had quoted at paragraph 379 of the judgment, and which is to the effect: “<em><u>The trial of an Election Petition</u>, shall subject to this Act, be held in the <u>same manner as a trial before the Supreme Cour</u>t <u>in its original civil jurisdiction</u>.</em>”<a name="_GoBack" id="_GoBack"></a>Their misreading of section 45 have led them to conclude at paragraph 380 of the judgment “<u>Since the Act states that it is the civil rules of evidence that applies</u> in cases involving Election Petitions...”. Firstly nowhere in the Elections Act is it stated that “it is the civil rules of evidence that applies”. In saying what they said at paragraph 380 referred to above they have also contradicted their earlier statement at paragraph 375 of the judgment, i.e. “Unfortunately, neither the Constitution <u>nor its attendant legislation</u> provide for these evidential processes (<em>burden and standard of proof referred to in paragraph 375</em>) in Election Petitions”. It is my view; ‘jurisdiction’ and ‘rules of evidence’ are two completely different matters. Jurisdiction is given by law to a court to try cases and rule on legal matters within a particular geographic area and/or over certain types of legal cases. According to <strong>Halsbury’s Laws of England 4<sup>th</sup> Edition Vol. 10- Paragraph <em>715 </em></strong><em>“ ‘Jurisdiction’ is the authority which a court has to decide matters that are litigated before it or to take cognizance of matters presented in a formal way for its decision”</em>. ‘Rules of evidence’ govern how courts evaluate the various forms of proof at a trial. The <strong>Seychelles Code of Civil Procedure (Cap 213)</strong> which sets out the procedure pertaining to trials in civil cases does not contain any provisions pertaining to the standard of proof in civil cases. In the case of <strong><em>In Re B (Children) (Fc)</em> [2008] UKHL 35,  Lord Hoffmann</strong> stated:<em> “I agree with the observation of Lord Steyn in McCann’s case (at 812) that clarity would be greatly enhanced if the courts said simply that although the proceedings were civil, the nature of the particular issue involved made it appropriate to apply the criminal standard.” </em>This goes to show that the trial of an Election Petition although held in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original civil jurisdiction, it is the criminal standard of proof that should be applied when making a finding under section 47(1) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The learned Judges of the Constitutional Court although concerned that “whilst persons found to have been involved in electoral malpractice may face serious consequences, including being disqualified from participation in future elections and/or prosecution and imprisonment” have failed to give due regard to the fact that making a report under section 47 of the Elections Act would necessarily lead to the deprivement of a fundamental right of the Appellant that is enshrined and entrenched in article 24(1) of  the Constitution, namely,  <em>“to be registered as a voter for the purpose of and to vote……at public elections…….and to be elected to public office”</em>. Fundamental rights are so sacrosanct under the Seychellois Charter of Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms, that the Constitution provides that when a person invokes the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court claiming that a provision of the Charter has been or is likely to be contravened in relation to him and establishes a prima facie case; the burden of proving that there has not been a contravention or risk of contravention shall, where the allegation is against the State, be on the State. I am firmly of the view that the consequences of a report under section 47 of the Elections Act, which leads to the deprivement of a fundamental right of a person, is another reason for applying the higher standard of proof, namely one ‘beyond a reasonable doubt’. I do not find any reference been made to article 24 in the judgment.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">  I am of the view that disqualification of a person on the basis of a report under section 47 or on the basis of a conviction for an offence of illegal practice of the Elections Act is a permitted derogation of the right to vote and is in accordance with article 24(2) of the Constitution because the Elections Act meets the yard stick set out in article 24(2), namely, the disqualification is in accordance with a “a law necessary in a democratic society”. It is this same principle, that disqualification under section 47(1) of the Elections Act should be ‘only where it is  necessary’; that has been somewhat incorporated into section 45(4) of the Elections Act by stating that where the Constitutional Court at a trial of an Election Petition finds that an  act or omission would be an illegal practice; yet, if it appears to the Court that such act or omission had <em>“been done or made in good faith through inadvertence or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause of a like nature; or that upon taking into account all the relevant circumstances it would be just that... the person”</em> is not subject to a disqualification.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The learned Judges of the Constitutional Court had erred in saying at paragraph 407 of their judgment: “……<u>it is not up to the Constitutional Court to ‘convict persons’ or ‘impose any criminal penalties’</u> at this stage. <u>We may only report</u>.” It is my view that when a report is made under section 47(1) of the Elections Act (see paragraph 10 above); <em>“at the conclusion of the trial of an election petition”</em> <strong><u>a person stands convicted</u></strong>, since he has <em>“been proved at the trial to have been guilty of an illegal practice”</em>. ‘Illegal practice is one of the offences set out in section 51(3)(b) read with section 51(1)(l)of the Elections Act. The word ‘conviction’ has been defined in <strong>Osborn’s Concise Law Dictionary (9<sup>th</sup> edition)</strong> as <em>“The finding of a person guilty of an offence after trial”</em> and in <strong>Black’s Law Dictionary (9<sup>th</sup> edition)</strong> as <em>“The act or process of judicially finding someone guilty of a crime; the state of having been proved guilty.”</em> Further section 47(3) states: <em>“When the Constitutional Court reports that an illegal practice has been committed by a person, the person is disqualified for a period of five years from the date of the report from being registered as a voter and from voting at an election…”</em> Section 47(4) states: <em>“The Electoral Commission shall cause the name of the person reported under subsection (1) to be removed from the register of voters of the electoral area where the person is registered as a voter.”</em> <u>Disqualification from voting is set out as <strong>a penalty</strong> in section 52(2) of the Elections Act</u>. The Constitutional Court erred when they said at paragraph 405 of the judgment referred to at paragraph 26 above, that the Elections Act contained provisions for “reporting persons to the Electoral Commission for committing illegal practices <u>with the possibility</u> of the Electoral Commission striking the person off the electoral register”, because no discretion is given by the Elections Act to the Electoral Commission in striking off the name of a person from the electoral register in view of the provisions of section 47(4) of the Act referred to earlier. Had the Constitutional Court not erred in regard to these matters they would have concluded that the standard of proof in an election petition should be that of the criminal standard, namely one beyond a reasonable doubt.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Article 114(1)(b) of the Constitution states: <em>“A person who is a citizen of Seychelles and has attained the age of eighteen years is entitled to be registered as a voter unless the person is disqualified from registration under an Act on the ground of <u>criminality</u>.”</em> A finding of criminality can be reached only when a person has been found guilty of a crime/offence. This becomes clear when one reads section 51(3)(b) referred to at paragraph 8 above along with section 51(1)(l) which states <em>“A person who commits an illegal practice in connection with a Presidential Election or a National Assembly Election <u>is guilty of an offence</u>.”</em> Again section 47 (1) (b) of the Elections Act referred to at paragraph 10 above make reference to <em>“persons who have been proved at the trial to have been <u>guilty</u> of an illegal practice”.</em> In the circumstances the meaning attributed to ‘guilty’ in<strong> Black’s law Dictionary, 9<sup>th</sup> Edition</strong> is applicable, namely, <em>“responsible for a crime”</em>. A finding of guilt against a person could be reached only when a case against such person has been proved beyond a reasonable doubt, which is the standard of proof necessarily to be adopted in a criminal case.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It would also be erroneous to have two separate standards of proof for disqualification, namely the standard of proof of ‘beyond reasonable doubt’ under section 52(2) and a standard of proof ‘on a balance of probabilities’ under section 47 of the Elections Act. Having two separate standards of proof would not only be discriminatory of those who are dealt with under section 52(2) and section 47 of the Elections Act, but militate against the Right to Equal Protection of the Law, which is enshrined and entrenched in article 27 of the Constitution. Article 27 states: <em>“Every person has a right to equal protection of the law including the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms set out in this charter without discrimination on any ground except as is necessary in a democratic society.”</em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">I would also like to comment on paragraph 525 of the judgment.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ul> <li class="rtejustify">525] Nevertheless, the Court is under a duty to report incidences of illegal practices in terms of section 47 (1) to the Electoral Commission. Our report will be based on the totality of the evidence in this case. Where persons have not had an opportunity to be heard in defence of these illegal practices they will be given an opportunity to be heard in terms of section 47(2) of the Act. <u>The Court is however not obliged to make such report public. Moreover it would be improper to discuss the contents of this report in this judgment</u>.” (emphasis added by me)</li> </ul> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In this case the Constitutional Court has already made a finding that the Appellant had been proved at the trial to have committed and thus guilty of an illegal practice at paragraphs 473 and 474 of the judgment as referred to at paragraph 4 above after an assessment of “the totality of the evidence in this case”. As per the judgment of the Constitutional Court there was nothing more that could have been added to this finding and nothing more left to be done so far as the Appellant is concerned, save that of forwarding the judgment to the Electoral Commission for necessary action under section 47(4) of the Elections Act. The judgment is in fact the ‘Report’ and the judgment and its contents is now public knowledge. Once the Constitutional Court reports to the Electoral Commission, that an illegal practice has been committed under section 47(1) of the Elections Act the consequences set out in section 47(3) automatically flow and it is mandatory to the Electoral Commission to cause the name of the person reported to be removed from the register of voters. I also fail to understand the last two sentences of paragraph 525 as it amounts to a contravention of articles 19(8) and 19(9) of the Constitution. Article 19(8) states:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><em>“......all proceedings of every court and proceedings for the determination of the existence or extent of any civil right or obligation before any court or other authority, including the announcement of the decision of the court or other authority, shall be held in public.”</em> Article 19(9) further substantiates this when it specifies that the public cannot be excluded from “<em>the announcement of the decision of the court”. </em></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">As regards ground 1(a) of appeal, I am of the view that in view of the provisions of section 47 of the Elections Act referred to at paragraph 10 above there is no requirement for any party to an Election Petition to have prayed that the petitioner should be dealt with under section 47 of the Elections Act for committing an illegal practice. This is an obligation cast on the Constitutional Court taking into consideration the provisions in section 45(4) of the Elections Act as referred to at paragraph 9 above. I therefore dismiss this ground of appeal.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">As regards ground 1(b) of appeal,  I am of the view that section 47(2) of the Elections Act, which states: “Before making any report under subsection (1)(b) in respect of a person who is not a party to an election petition the Constitutional Court <u>shall</u> give the person an opportunity to be heard and to call evidence to show why the person should not be reported”; (emphasis added by me); cannot be interpreted to mean that in the case of a party to an election petition; there is no need for a warning to such party that he risked being penalised for having committed an illegal practice and giving him an opportunity of being heard thereon.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The principle of interpretation <strong>‘<em>Expressio Unis Est Exclusio Alterius</em>’,</strong> namely, the express mention of one person or thing implies the exclusion of other persons or things; <em>“is not a rule of law but a rule of construction. It is a product of logic and common-sense and ought to be applied with care and caution so that a rational interpretation is produced…..”</em> (<strong>Ishar Singh &amp; Sons V Market Committee, Tarn Taran 59 PLR 631</strong>). It was held in <strong>Calcutta Tpt Society V State Punjab AIR 1962 Punj 94</strong> that <em>“The rule of exclusion, as is well known, is merely an auxiliary rule of construction adopted for the purpose of ascertaining the intention of the law-giver. It is neither conclusive nor of universal application and is to be applied with great caution. It may be applied only when in the natural association of ideas, the contrast between what is provided and what is left out leads to an inference that the latter was intended to be excluded; it may accordingly be held inapplicable if there exists a plausible reason for not including what is left out.”</em> In <strong>Colquhoun V Brooks (1888) 12 QBD 52, Lopes LJ in the Court of Appeal</strong> said: <em>“The maxim expression est unis exclusion alterius is often a valuable servant, but a dangerous master to follow in the construction of statutes or documents. The exclusion is often the result of inadvertence or accident, and <u>the maxim ought not to be applied, when its application, having regard to the subject matter to which it is to be applied, leads to inconsistency or injustice.</u>”</em> (emphasis added by me) I would also add that the specific reference in section 47(2), only to ‘a person who is not a party’, may be ‘<strong><em>ex abundant cautela</em></strong>’.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">It is my view that section 47 of the Elections Act has to be considered as a penal provision when read along with sections 51(3)(b), 51(1)(l) and 52(2) of the said Act. This brings into focus another accepted canon of interpretation, namely that a penal provision should be construed in the case of doubt for the benefit of the defendant.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">Counsel for the Second Respondent in his Skeleton Heads of Arguments has argued in relation to ground 1(b) of the appeal that:</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-roman"> <li class="rtejustify">the Appellant had been “represented by two of the most competent and able lawyers in our jurisdiction and he ought to have been advised by his lawyers of the risks of being penalized for having committed an illegal practice,</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-roman"> <li class="rtejustify">as a matter of fact in terms of section 47(1), the Appellant ought to have been aware of such a risk. The maxim that ignorance of the law is no defence (ignorantia juris non excusat) is very much applicable in the present case, and</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-roman"> <li class="rtejustify">the Appellant chose not to counter the allegation while testifying under cross-examination and re-examination, or by bringing in evidence prior to closing his case.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">If the Counsel’s argument in relation to the Appellant having been represented by competent lawyers is to be regarded as having any substance, then a need for appeal would not arise in most cases where competent lawyers have appeared before the original court.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> In my view the issue in this case was not one of ignorance of the law, but ignorance of the Appellant, that the Constitutional Court would, at the conclusion of the trial, decide to act against him under section 47(1) of the Elections Act, without any notice to him and without taking into consideration section 45(4) of the Elections Act and his evidence. It is clear from pages 1502 and 1503 of the Court of Appeal record that the learned Judges of the Constitutional Court even at the conclusion of the submissions of all Counsel at the end of the hearing of the election petition had not given any indication that they were going to act under section 47(1)(b) of the Elections Act. In fact it had been to the contrary when one examines the dialogue between the Bench and the Bar.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">“Court....: If the Court were to find there were illegal practices of both sides how would you like to treat that?</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Mr. Georges: ...It is not the petitioner’s intention or desire that any illegal practices should be referred to the electoral commission with a view to action being taken. That is not what we set out to do......</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Court....: <u>My question is as to the ‘<strong>result of the election</strong></u>’.”</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In making this pronouncement the Court had clearly indicated that the issue of illegal practice would be considered only so far as the result and voiding the election under section 44 (7) of the Elections Act and not to disqualify any candidate under section 47(1)(b) of the Elections Act. It is therefore no surprise that Counsel for the Appellant argued before us at the hearing that the disqualification of the Appellant had “hit him as a meteorite”.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> This is in my view an ignorance of a fact and not law. Further the doctrine ‘ignorantia juris non excusat’ comes into application when a person is charged with an offence. In this case it is the position of the Appellant that the Court erred in making the finding against the Appellant, “given that it had not been the subject of any plea by the Respondents”. In <strong>Black’s Law Dictionary, 9<sup>th</sup> edition</strong> the doctrine ‘ignorantia juris non excusat’ is defined as follows:“Lack of knowledge about a legal requirement or prohibition is never an excuse <u>to a criminal charge</u>.”</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the application of this doctrine of ‘ignorantia juris non excusat’ a court has to be mindful of the distinction between crimes which are ‘malum in se’ i.e. self-evident wrongs (for example murder, rape and robbery) and ‘malum prohibitum’, i.e. crimes that are not inherently wrong but crimes because they are prohibited by law. It is my view that the doctrine that ignorance of the law is no excuse works only when a person has knowledge of the crime he commits and has the necessary mens rea, and in this case, a corrupt intention. These are matters the Constitutional Court had to necessarily take into consideration before coming to a finding against the Appellant in view of the provisions of section 45(4) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> In the case of <strong>McCrory V Hendron and another (1993) Northern Ireland Law Reports (NI) 177</strong> it was said: <em>“However, the 1983 Act, as its predecessors did, permits an election court to give relief in certain circumstances to an elected candidate and/or election agent who has been guilty of illegal practices. Some of these circumstances may amount to what the 1983 Act names as <u>authorised excuses</u>,...........or that the acts and omissions complained of were due to inadvertence on their part. It would seem that the wide discretion given to a court to grant relief is an acknowledgement of the burden of compliance which the technical and complex nature of some of the statutory requirements imposes. This was the view expressed by Vaughan Williams J when dealing with Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act 1883, a statute of similar pattern and provisions to the present. He said in Stepney Case, Rashmere V Isaacson (1892) day 116 at 124: It is quite true that the Act lays down most stringent rules as to the conduct of candidates: it may be said that these rules go so far into detail as to <strong>make it very difficult for either the candidate or his election agent to go through an election without in some way or other transgressing against the multifarious provisions of these Acts.</strong> But the answer to this is that the Act takes every possible care by the 22<sup>nd</sup> and 23<sup>rd</sup> sections that no candidate who has tried his best to conduct his election purely and fairly shall suffer thereby. First as to illegal practices, the 23<sup>rd</sup> section enables us, in cases where we think that the illegal practice has been done through inadvertence and in good faith, to wipe out the transaction altogether, so that it shall not be considered at all when one comes to deal with the question of whether the seat is to be avoided or not”</em>.(emphasis added by me) The exercise of discretion in my view should be much wider when it comes to the disqualification of a candidate, and more so one, who is challenging the validity of the election of the one who is elected; on the ground of illegal practices on the part of the one elected. The Constitutional Court itself had been, at paragraph 469 of the judgment, struggling as to how to deal with the issue of the promise of the thirteenth month salary incentive when they said: “Both candidates had assured them a thirteenth month salary incentive......The acts of both candidates in this context in an election year amount to electioneering.” Thus the difference between ‘electioneering’ and ‘illegal practice’ when it comes to promise of incentives and employment is a difficult one to make.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">The meaning of the word ‘inadvertence’ found in section 45(4)(a) of the Elections Act and the question whether ‘ignorance of the law’ may be “inadvertence” had been considered in the case of<strong> McCrory V Hendron (1993) NI 177</strong> in relation to the word ‘inadvertence’ found in section 167(2) of the   Representation of the Peoples Act 1983 of Northern Ireland. In that case <strong>Kelly LJ</strong> said relying on <strong>Nichol V Fearby (1923) 1 KB 480</strong> <em>“In my view the word “inadvertent” may be used according to our jus et norma loquendi as indicating either a negligent act, as distinguished  from a careful act, or as <u>indicating an unintentional, as distinguished from an intentional act.</u> In my own view it is clear that ignorance of the law may fall within the word “inadvertence”</em>. <em>In <strong>Ex P Walker (1889) 22 QBD 384,</strong> the Court of Appeal held and in my view unmistakeably held, that ignorance of the law may be “inadvertence”</em>. The same view was upheld in <strong>Finch and another V Richardson (2009) 1 WLR 1338</strong>. The Constitutional Court appears to have been of the view that the disputed statement of the Appellant was unintentional, when they said at paragraph 474 of the judgment: “Even if he was not intending to contravene the law”.           </li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> It is my view that the Appellant had countered the allegation under cross-examination and the Constitutional Court had erred in failing to consider that evidence, in determining whether the Appellant had in fact committed an illegal practice under section 51(3)(b), taking into consideration section 45(4) of the Elections Act.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> In view of the serious consequences that flow from making a Report to the Electoral Commission it was incumbent on the Constitutional Court to have put the Petitioner on notice and given him an opportunity of being heard, when he was testifying. Otherwise it would be a breach of the fundamental right enshrined and entrenched in article 19(7) of the Constitution which necessarily overrides any law and which states: <em>“Any court or other authority required or empowered by law to determine the existence of any civil right or obligation shall be established by law and shall be independent and impartial; and where proceedings for such determination are instituted by any person before such a court or other authority the case <u>shall be given a fair hearing</u> within a reasonable time.”</em></li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In the given circumstances I am in agreement with the Appellant’s Heads of Argument when he states: “It cannot be just for a person to bring a case seeking annulment of an election and end up being the one who is sanctioned……If he has to meet a challenge, that challenge must be spelt out and the consequences pleaded.” I therefore allow ground 1(b) of appeal.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify"> For the reasons enumerated in my judgment I hold with the Appellant in respect of grounds 1 (c) and 3 of appeal and allow those grounds of appeal.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">In respect of ground 2 of appeal I hold with the Appellant that the Constitutional Court erred in finding that the Appellant had committed an illegal practice contrary to section 51(3)(b) of the Elections Act, in that it failed to appreciate that the newsletter had not made any definite promise to any voter, had not been specific as to a voter or voters, and had not offered to procure any office in exchange for a vote, save the stipulation as to vote for the Appellant. Since the stipulation to vote for the Appellant read in conjunction of the promise of appointments, did not satisfy the elements of section 51(3)(b) as stated above, it is of no consequence. I therefore allow the appeal on this ground.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol> <li class="rtejustify">I therefore allow the appeal on grounds 1(b), 1(c), 2 and 3, reverse the finding of the Constitutional Court that an illegal practice had been committed by the Appellant and quash the decision of the Constitutional Court in that regard.</li> </ol> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <ol style="list-style-type:upper-alpha"> <li class="rtejustify"><strong>Fernando (J.A)</strong></li> <li class="rtejustify"><strong>I concur:.      ..........................                      F. Robinson (J.A)</strong></li> </ol> <p> </p></span></div></div> </div> </div> Thu, 04 Mar 2021 06:04:55 +0000 Anonymous 2855 at http://old2.seylii.org Ramkalawan v Electoral Commission & Ors (SCA 1 of 2016) [2016] SCCA 27 (09 December 2016); http://old2.seylii.org/sc/judgment/court-appeal/2016/27 <span class="field field--name-title field--type-string field--label-hidden">Ramkalawan v Electoral Commission &amp; Ors (SCA 1 of 2016) [2016] SCCA 27 (09 December 2016);</span> <div class="field field--name-field-flynote field--type-entity-reference field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Flynote</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/128" hreflang="x-default">Democracy</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/127" hreflang="x-default">HR</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/129" hreflang="x-default">Participate in government</a></div> </div> </div> <span class="field field--name-uid field--type-entity-reference field--label-hidden"><span>Anonymous (not verified)</span></span> <span class="field field--name-created field--type-created field--label-hidden">Thu, 03/04/2021 - 06:02</span> <div class="field field--name-field-files field--type-file field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Download</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-vnd-openxmlformats-officedocument-wordprocessingml-document file--x-office-document"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scca/2016/27/2016-scca-27.docx" type="application/vnd.openxmlformats-officedocument.wordprocessingml.document; length=48090">2016-scca-27.docx</a></span> </div> </div> </div> <div class="clearfix text-formatted field field--name-body field--type-text-with-summary field--label-hidden field__item"><div> <div class="WordSection1"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="2E607FFCEEE7443792DBBD0A8517F1BE" id="13542603"> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:14.0pt">IN THE SEYCHELLES COURT OF APPEAL<sdtpr></sdtpr></span></b></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p></p></sdt> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p><sdt docpart="32CC895697314D7B8780A621B84C5D45" docparttype="Quick Parts" id="13542613" sdtdocpartlist="t"></sdt></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:14.0pt"><sdtpr></sdtpr><sdt docpart="56CE955C995D402795C66D986E07B68A" id="13542618" text="t">[Coram:</sdt>      </span></b><span style="font-size:14.0pt"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="69B3BF8DDA19423983D080CF1EA3A676" id="14547387"><br /> <listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> F. MacGregor (PCA)</sdt><b> </b><sdt combobox="t" docpart="1A41884E7B394189A58F743E8CDCA2C3" id="15629612"><br /> <listitem datavalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue=",S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> ,S. Domah (J.A)</sdt><b> </b><sdt combobox="t" docpart="8C7230EB988C4CCF96C4461680898966" id="15629656"><br /> <listitem datavalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue=",S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> ,J. Msoffe (J.A)</sdt><b>]</b></span></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p align="center" style="margin-top:16px; text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:14.0pt"><sdt docpart="2E607FFCEEE7443792DBBD0A8517F1BE" id="14547297">Constitutional Appeal SCA CP</sdt> 1<sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="2E607FFCEEE7443792DBBD0A8517F1BE" id="14547301">/20</sdt>16 (b)</span></b></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:14.0pt"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9591D808A52A4B769EEEEE6BD350A091" id="15629594"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">(Appeal from Constitutional Court Decision</span></sdt></span></b><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt">CP7</span></b><b><span style="font-size:14.0pt"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9591D808A52A4B769EEEEE6BD350A091" id="15629598"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">/20</span></sdt></span></b><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt">15 &amp; CP1/2016) </span></b></span></span></p> <div style="border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt; padding:0cm 0cm 5.0pt 0cm"> <p align="center" style="border:none; text-align:center; padding:0cm"> </p> </div> <table class="MsoTableGrid" style="border-collapse:collapse; border:none"> <tbody> <tr> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Wavel John Charles Ramkalawan</span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:48px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; text-align:center"> </p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; margin-left:134px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="tab-stops:100.9pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Appellant</span></span></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; text-align:center"> </p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; text-align:center"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:48px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="EC34075E15B54D3E8F5DF3C1D2EE555E" id="15629672"> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Versus<sdtpr></sdtpr></span></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p> </p></sdt></td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p> </p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"><sdt docpart="D8F0B78F37F0461BBA4BD1F8BABC5C1F" id="8972153"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Electoral Commissioner<sdtpr></sdtpr></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">James Alix Michel</span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Attorney-General</span></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p> </p></sdt></td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:48px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p align="right" style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; text-align:right"> </p> <p align="right" style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; text-align:right"> </p> <p align="center" style="margin-left:78px; text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Respondents</span></span></span></p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> </div> <p> </p> <div class="WordSection2"> <div style="border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt; padding:0cm 0cm 1.0pt 0cm"> <p align="center" style="border:none; text-align:center; padding:0cm"> </p> </div> <p style="margin-top:16px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9591D808A52A4B769EEEEE6BD350A091" id="15629736">Heard:</sdt>             <sdt calendar="t" calendartype="Gregorian" date="2016-11-29T00:00:00Z" dateformat="dd MMMM yyyy" docpart="9C6A04889BA340EC8652D87113CFFA38" id="8972154" lang="EN-GB" maptodatetime="t" xml:lang="EN-GB" xml:lang="EN-GB">29 November 2016</sdt></span></span></span></p> <p><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9591D808A52A4B769EEEEE6BD350A091" id="15629744">Counsel:</sdt>          <sdt docpart="EAE2631AC9BA4A9B8499569158BE124A" id="8972156">Mr. B. Georges for Appellant</sdt></span><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><b> </b></span></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">                        Mrs. S. Aglae for Respondent no. 1</span></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">                        Mr. B. Hoareau for Respondent no. 2</span></span></span></p> <p> </p> </div> <p> </p> <div class="WordSection3"> <p><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">                        <sdt docpart="EAE2631AC9BA4A9B8499569158BE124A" id="8972158">Mr. R. Govinden for Respondent no. 3 with Mr. A. Subramanian</sdt></span> </span></span></p> </div> <p> </p> <div class="WordSection4"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9591D808A52A4B769EEEEE6BD350A091" id="15629748">Delivered:</sdt>       <sdt calendar="t" calendartype="Gregorian" date="2016-12-09T00:00:00Z" dateformat="dd MMMM yyyy" docpart="9666AA164D5140C8BB761296796A2DC2" id="8972159" lang="EN-GB" maptodatetime="t" xml:lang="EN-GB" xml:lang="EN-GB">09 December 2016</sdt><a id="Dropdown2" name="Dropdown2"></a></span></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:gray"><sdt docpart="C03FF0CA592F4F00A20907E4FDEE3E0B" id="20146848" text="t">JUDGMENT</sdt></span></span></b></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p style="text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:16px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="EEA2BECADC7F4ED992FBB64D67D28C22" id="15629733"><br /> <listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> S. Domah (J.A)</sdt></span></span></b></span></span></span></span></p> </div> <p> </p> <div class="WordSection5"><sdt docpart="A6A93C84542F429F99FF0A239EB84ECE" id="17274583"> <ol> <li style="text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">This appeal arising out of the consolidated cases of CP07/15 and CP1/16 is being heard with agreement of parties on the specific issue of the interpretation of the terms “votes cast” and “valid votes cast” used in the paragraph 5 and 8 of Schedule 3 of the Constitution as it was applied in the 2015 Presidential Elections in Seychelles. </span></span><sdtpr></sdtpr></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:38px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"> </p> <ol start="2"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The Appellant, a Presidential candidate who was not returned, takes the view that the Electoral Commission, the independent authority which in Seychelles has been entrusted with the power to conduct and supervise elections, erred in not drawing a distinction between the two above-mentioned terms when it declared the second Respondent as the successful candidate. He challenges the decision of the Constitutional Court where the learned judges decided that the terms “votes cast” and “valid votes cast” mean one and the same thing. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">If Appellant is correct in his interpretation, then the constitutional imperative of over 50% threshold that a successful candidate to the Presidential election should satisfy will not have been met. If the Respondents are correct, then the outcome of the results is unassailable. This is what we have to decide in the present appeal. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Appellant, accordingly, seeks from this Court an order for the 2015 Elections to be annulled for a third ballot to be conducted as per the law in accordance with the proper interpretation of the words of the law and their proper application. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The Electoral Commission (Respondent No. 1), James Alix Michel (Respondent No. 2) and The Attorney-General (Respondent No. 3) resist the appeal and agree with the decision of the learned judges of the Constitutional Court. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:112.75pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">            </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">THE FACTS RELEVANT TO THIS APPEAL</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <ol start="6"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The best two who were entitled to participate in the second round of the election happened to be the Appellant and the Respondent No. 2. The results – when they came -  gave the Respondent No. 2 as the winner with 50.15% of the total votes cast compared to the Appellant with 49.85% of the total votes cast.  Appellant had received 31,319 votes and Respondent No. 2 had received 31,512 votes. 1,062 had been rejected as not complying with the law. The total number of votes cast was 63,983. The valid votes were 62,831. If the total votes received was taken against all the ballots used, then neither would have obtained the over 50% required for the election. On that calculation, Respondent No. 2 had received only 49.319%. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is the case of the Appellant before us as it was before the Supreme Court in a constitutional challenge he brought (CP7/2015) that had the percentage been taken from the total number of ballots which had entered the ballot box, the specified threshold of 50% for a successful Presidential election had not been reached: neither in the first round nor in the second round so that a third round has become necessary. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court after hearing the submissions on both sides, and with reasons and authorities, dismissed the argument. The learned judges decided that there was no difference between the terms “votes”, “votes cast” and “valid votes cast.” They came to the conclusion that Respondent No. 1 had correctly interpreted and applied the electoral law. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">GROUNDS OF APPEAL</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <ol start="9"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The appellant has repeated his arguments before us and added some additional grounds. The Additional Grounds are as follows:</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-bottom:14px; margin-left:38px; text-align:justify; text-indent:35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">“1. The Constitutional Court erred in its interpretation of the terms “votes” and “votes cast” in Schedule 3 of the Constitution to include only valid votes which had  selected a candidate, in that such an interpretation:</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:83px; text-align:justify"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:150%">Ignores the reason for the threshold of fifty percent of votes to have been required in the first place, namely so that the successful candidate’s mandate would be as clear and unambiguous as possible;</span></span></i></span></span></span></li> <li class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:83px; text-align:justify"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:150%">Renders meaningless the clear difference between those formulations in Schedule 3 and the term “valid votes” in Schedule 4 prior to its amendment;</span></span></i></span></span></span></li> <li class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:83px; text-align:justify"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:150%">Ignores the provision of paragraph 5 of Schedule 3 which contemplates that more than one ballot may be required in order to achieve the fifty per cent threshold;</span></span></i></span></span></span></li> <li class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:83px; text-align:justify"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:150%">Renders the threshold meaningless in so far as in a two-candidate second ballot the winner will automatically achieve the threshold.</span></span></i></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"> </p> <ol start="10"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We shall deal with each of the issues (a) to (d) raised above in the order in which they are set out.</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">THE LAW </span></span></b></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"> </p> <ol start="11"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The law is found in paragraph 5 and paragraph 8 of Schedule 3 of the Constitution with regard to the election of the President. The relevant part of paragraph 5 reads:</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">“a person shall not be elected to the office of the President unless he has received more than <u>fifty percent of the votes in the election</u> …” [emphasis added]</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:38px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">And the basis for the holding of a second poll is found in paragraph 8:</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:58px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">“Where in an election to the office of President three or more candidates take part in any ballot and no candidate receives more than <u>fifty percent of the votes cast </u>…” [emphasis added]</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:38px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i>       </i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is worth noting for eventual reference that paragraph 5 speaks of  <i>“fifty percent of the votes in the election”</i> and paragraph 8 of <i>“fifty percent of the votes cast …”</i></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%"> <i><u> </u></i></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">GROUND (a)</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <ol start="12"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Under (a), it is the submission of learned counsel that in equating the words “votes cast” with “valid votes cast,” the Constitutional Court ignored the rationale behind the requirement of the threshold of fifty percent of votes for a Presidential election. That rationale, in his submission, lies in the fact that for a Presidential election the founding fathers of the new Constitution intended that the acceptance by the people of the Head of the State should be as clear and unambiguous as possible. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">COMPARISON WITH SCHEDULE 4</span></span></b></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:58px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <ol start="13"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">When submitting on (a), Mr Bernard Georges invited us to compare paragraph 2 of Schedule 4. This provision reads as follows:</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-bottom:14px; margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:115%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:115%">“A political party which has nominated one or more candidates in a general election and has polled in respect of the candidates in aggregate 10% or more of the votes cast at the election may nominate a proportionally elected members for each of the votes polled.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <ol start="14"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is his argument that “votes cast” has been used in Schedule 3 for the determination of the 50% threshold for the Presidential election. However, for the determination of the 10% threshold for the choice of members on the basis of Proportional Representation, the applicable paragraph 2 Schedule 4 speaks of “valid votes cast.” </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is his argument that when the framers of the Constitution used the term “valid votes cast” in Schedule 4 for the choice of members on Proportional Representation but omitted the word “valid” when it came to Schedule 3 for the election of the President, the choice was deliberate and the proper construction should be given to the law in terms of that intention. He points out that the phrases are used within a few pages in the same document so that the framers of the Constitution should be taken to have known the difference in the terms. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is learned counsel’s argument that the case of <b>Popular Democratic Movement v Electoral Commission (2011) SLR 385</b> which decides that the word “valid” is a surplusage may remain true for the choice of a member on Proportional Representation. But that cannot apply for the election of a President.  He submits that effect should be given to paragraph 5 of Schedule 3 in its own right as it was meant to achieve a balance of power and a majority acceptability of the President. Short of that specified majority as a clear and unambiguous expression of the will of the people, there is no legitimacy in the election of a President. On his count, in the <b>Popular Democratic Movement</b> case, the required percentage was 10%. But if all the votes cast was taken into account, the percentage would have been 7.4% as against 10.9% if all the valid votes were taken as the base. In his view, a similar short fall would be seen if all the votes cast was taken as the base save for the torn and mutilated ones.  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is further the argument of Mr Bernard Georges that the requirement of the 50% of acceptability of the President should be taken in the greater context that a democratic government derives its source of power from the will of the people, that each of the citizens has a bundle of fundamental freedoms and rights and that the government is a government by majority will. There should be a majority acceptability of the person who is going to be the Head of the State, the Commander in Chief of the Defence Forces etc. We agree. It is provided in the Constitution how it should be interpreted: see Presentation of Hon. Justice MacGregor, on the Role of the Judiciary in the Constitutional Governance of Seychelles.</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr Bernard Georges referred to a number of comparative legislations and the following cases in support of his views: <b>Raila Odinga v Independent Electoral Boundaries Commission and Ors [2013] eKLR at para 281; Morgan &amp; Ors v Simson &amp; Ors [1974] 3 WLR 517 and Popular Democratic Movement v Electoral Commission (2011) SLR 385.</b>  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:38px; text-indent:-1.0cm"> </p> <ol start="19"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Mrs Aglaé for Respondent No. 1 responded by pointing out that the words used in paragraph 5 indicates that the base for reaching the percentage should not be the ballots used but the votes received: The relevant part of Schedule 3 at paragraph 5 reads: </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">“a person shall not be elected to the office of the President unless <u>he has received</u> more than 50% of the votes in the election.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i> </i></span></span></span></span></p> <ol start="20"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr Hoareau for Respondent no. 2 submitted that the right to vote is subject to the electoral law of the country. To that extent, a person does not have the licence to vote in any way he wants, he has not voted if he is non compliant with the law. He has repeated to us the citation in the Mauritian decision of <b>Bappoo v Bughalloo &amp; Ors [1978 MR 105]</b> where the Supreme Court of Mauritius stated the following with respect to elector compliance with statutory provisions in an election: </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">“While it is true to say that effect should be given to the intention of the voter if it can be ascertained from the marking on the ballot paper, the voter must comply with certain discipline, at least such as is necessary to regulate the holding of an election according to the expressed requirements of the law. The moment the voter adopts a method of voting which conflicts with the orderly arrangement of election, his licence to express his vote as he chooses ends.” </span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></span></p> <ol start="21"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">If we had anything to add to this pronouncement, we would state that an elector has a right to vote in a democratic society but he does not have a license to express his vote as he chooses. His right to vote is subject to the rule of law and not the rule of his will. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:30px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"> </p> <ol start="22"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The Attorney-General referred to the decision of this Court in <b>Popular Democratic Movement v Electoral Commission [supra] </b>as having decided the issue, all the more so when Mr Bernard Georges does not challenge that this Court correctly decided it. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:30px; text-indent:-21.3pt"> </p> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:30px; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">OUR CONSIDERATION</span></p> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:30px; text-indent:-21.3pt"> </p> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:30px; text-indent:-21.3pt"> </p> <ol start="23"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We have no difficulty in accepting the proposition of Mr Bernard Georges that there was a purpose behind putting the bar at 50% for a Presidential candidate to be elected. Our difficulty, however, lies in accepting learned counsel’s proposition that to reach the threshold of  50%, one needs to take into account not all the votes that were cast in the election but all the ballots which found their way into the ballot box. In the submission of learned counsel, all the ballots included the rejected ones save for the torn or mutilated ones. On such an interpretation, the submission has been that neither candidate will have obtained the over 50% constant that is a mandatory requirement for the election of a President.</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is one thing to say that the Constitution should be interpreted fairly and liberally as we are enjoined to do under the Rules of Interpretation of the Constitution in paragraph 8, Schedule 2. But it is quite another to interpret it fancifully. The will of the people is to cast their votes in an election for the purpose of forming a government which braces itself to govern. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">If the argument is that all ballots which entered the ballot box should have been counted, then we would be equating votes with ballots when these two words carry different meanings. A ballot is a document in which the choice of a candidate is made by an elector. A vote is a document in which the candidate has made the choice as required under the law. Had the framers of the Constitution intended that the threshold of 50% should be assessed from the number of votes the candidate obtained with reference to all the ballots which entered the ballots for the election, they would have said so. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The 50% is not in relation to the turnout at the various voting booths but in relation to what the candidate has received and what he receives is only what is valid so that there is merit in saying that when paragraph 8(1) of Schedule 3 of the Constitution reads: “more than 50% of the votes cast in the election,” the word “cast” reinforces the argument that the counting of ballots do not enter the equation by merely entering into the ballot boxes. As this Court stated in the case of <b>Popular Democratic Movement v Electoral Commission (2011) SLR 385. </b></span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">“the term ‘valid’ in relation to a vote cast at a Presidential or National Assembly election or referendum has always been mere surplusage in view of our Constitutional framework.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">   </span></span></span></span></p> <ol start="27"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The word “valid” in relation to the words “vote cast” is redundant in the sense that the vote will go to the candidate only after it has been validated by the Returning Officer. Votes cannot mean anything but ballots which have been validated for the purpose for which they have been intended: for casting votes for the purpose of electing a candidate mentioned in the ballot paper. Once that validation has taken place in accordance with the law, the ballots which became votes with the elector’s choice becomes a valid vote for the election of the candidate indicated by the elector. Ballot papers where electors have not complied with the requirements of electoral law are spoilt ballots or spoilt votes. They may be votes which have been cast but votes cast are not necessarily valid votes to the same extent as ballots are not votes. The Constitutional Court referred to a number of situations where the law refers to vote cast instead of vote. There is no mystery about it. The term “votes cast” connotes the activity of the elector and changes nothing in the legal status of a vote.   </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">At paragraph 83 the learned judges state: “<i>the only distinction that ought to be made between the insertion of a ballot paper in the ballot box and a vote is that the voter has made his choice of the candidate and by that fact alone the ballot has become a vote.”</i> We agree. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">One reason advanced by learned counsel for the Appellant for taking as base all the ballots except the stayaways is that a person who stays at home and does not vote is different from one who goes to vote but by accident or design spoils his vote. In his submission, this elector went to vote and he has voted even if he has spoilt his vote in the exercise of his right to freedom of expression. To him, this vote should be counted. It was a vote cast in the election on the constitutional context that even he has voted who has spoilt his vote whether by accident or design in the combined exercise of his right to vote, his right of expression and his right to participate in an election. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is a seductive argument. However, the flaw lies in the fact that the argument shies away from the crucial issue of definitions. In fact, Mr Bernard Georges is ambivalent on definitions. At one paragraph 49 of his Written Submissions, he takes the view that this case is not about the definition of words and phrases. Yet in the rest of his submissions he is giving personal definitions of the words and phrases. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">This case is all about use of the <i>mots justes </i>in legal interpretations and application. In legal science as in all sciences, it is all about getting the terms right. It may be fashionable at a table to use words as well as phrases freely, liberally and interchangeably. The outcome is in many instances innocuous. But at the Bar and the Bench, the fashion cannot migrate. The outcome is treacherous. It is no longer then the rule of law but the rule of language. Words and phrases have their own jurisprudence in the context in which they are used. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Definition of terms is the key to this case as the Constitutional Court rightly identified, even if it proceeded for the sake of comprehensiveness to give a number of other reasons for their decision. Indeed, they looked at the Dictionary meaning of the crucial words. They reached more or less the answer but fell short of the complete answer. That is explicable because of the fact that we are here concerned not only with the definition of words and phrases but with the activity involved in the words and phrases. A ballot is a word. A vote is also a word but connotes at the same time an activity: the act of voting. With the proper use of the words and phrases, the answer is self-evident. A ballot  is a formal document prepared for the conduct of a specific election. A ballot is not yet a vote. It becomes a vote after an authorized elector makes his election in an authorized manner for the purpose for which the ballot was intended. At that stage, the ballot by virtue of his intervention may have converted the ballot into a vote. But it is not yet a vote cast. It becomes a vote cast after the elector, on making his choice, by another gesture physically inserts his vote irretrievably in the ballot box. The vote so deposited is still not a valid vote. It becomes a valid vote after the Electoral Officer has decided on examination of the vote that he will accept it for its compliance with the law. A valid vote is a vote where the Returning officer has accepted to count it for that election by that elector of the candidate of the elector’s choice. It is still not yet a vote received by the candidate. It becomes a vote received by the candidate when the Returning officer has returned it to the count. Thus, a poll is different from a ballot is different from a vote is different from a vote cast is different from a valid vote and  is different from a vote received. That is the common sense construction along which democratic elections are conducted. In some jurisdictions, this common sense has been regulated so as to make what is certain doubly certain. In some, it has been assumed that the uncommon will not enter the common and common sense need not be regulated.    </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">On that common sense construction, ballots that entered the ballot box were not votes. Ballots which entered the ballot boxes may not be taken to be the base from which the 50% is to be gauged. Paragraph 5 and 8 of Schedule 3 speaks of votes in an election and votes cast respectively and not ballots used for the purposes of an election. The framers cannot have mistaken the word ballot for vote inasmuch as they have used the word “ballot” just ten words before using the word “votes cast” in paragraph 8 of Schedule 3. They are deemed to have known the difference between ballots, votes in an election and votes cast. In the determination of the over 50%, if the framers of the Constitution intended that even those electors should be counted who spoilt their votes, the framers would have said so. Likewise, had they intended that all the ballots should have been taken in the count, they would have said so.  We are not permitted to evade the legal meaning of the words and phrases and argue on the simple comparison of two texts: namely Schedule 3 and Schedule 4. We are unable to accept the submission of learned counsel for the Appellant in that regard. With this we come to Schedule 4, the subject matter of Ground (b). </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Under (b), it is the argument of learned counsel that the interpretation given by the Constitutional Court renders meaningless the clear difference between “votes in an election” and “votes cast” used in Schedule 3 and the term “valid votes cast” in Schedule 4. Schedule 4 provides for calculating the 10% threshold in the determination of the number of proportionally elected members. It is an amendment that was effected in 1996 for the purpose of achieving a perceived inequity in the first-past-the-post system in the elections for the National Assembly. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The issue of the interpretation of the words “valid votes cast” as compared to “votes cast” under paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 came up for interpretation in the case of <b>Popular Democratic Movement v Electoral Commissioner [supra]</b>. The basic question was whether the threshold of 10% should be calculated on the basis of votes cast or valid votes cast. The Constitutional Court decided that it should be decided on votes cast. On appeal, this Court upheld the decision commenting that the word ”valid” in the term “valid votes cast” added nothing to the notion of votes cast and was a surplusage.</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr Bernard Georges does not challenge the decision insofar as it applies to cases of Proportional Representations. But the present case, in his submission, is one that deals with a Presidential election where the overriding concern is legitimacy of the election of the President by the will of the majority of the people including those who go to the booth to express their negative values by spoiling their votes or not voting at all.      </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">In his view, a purposive, fair, progressive and liberal interpretation should be given to this sacred position sanctified by the President’s position, the highest in the land as the Head of the State, Head of Government and Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces. He is the country’s Chief Executive, the source of all executive power, the most powerful person in the land, the focal point of political leadership. An election to that office which holds the reins of the country needs a clear mandate of the majority of the electorate and not limited to those only who chose to vote and whose votes were validated.  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">This case, in the view of learned Counsel for the Appellant involves an interpretation of the issues in the broader context of the Constitution where paragraph 8 enjoins the Court to read the Constitution as a whole and to give its provisions their fair and liberal meaning. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">To the extent that all sources of power spring from the will of the people, that will is gauged by the majority acceptance in a democratic form of government. That can neither be wished  nor washed away. It should be translated into reality. The people are endowed with rights and freedoms and it is the duty of everyone to strive towards the fulfillment of the aspirations so that those aspirations do not become dead letters. Aside the fact that there exist the concept of majority rule, each and every citizen is endowed with individual rights and freedoms. Balance is the core of the political system in place. Even they serve who stand and stare. Their silence speaks louder than their words and should be counted in the assessment of the 50% threshold. So learned Counsel’s argument goes.   </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We have no doubt that these were the valid argument used for the insertion in the Constitution that the election of the President should be calculated on a basis and that the basis should be more than 50% to be true to the principle of government by majority.  The discussion, however, is not on the principle. Nor is it about persons who have exercised their right to vote. It is the manner in which the 50% should be calculated. Paragraphs 5 and 8 are clear: not on the basis of ballots nor on the basis of those who have exercised their rights to vote under section 24 but on the basis of the votes and the votes cast. And votes in an election does mean in this context the vote cast  and which the candidate has received as per the terms of the law.  That is the end all and the be all.  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We have to say that the decision of the Constitutional Court shines by its comprehensiveness. The learned Judges did not rest content with the submissions made by counsel appearing for the parties only. Concerned with achieving judicial uniformity in the interpretation of terms in the construction of democratic systems of government, they extended their knowledge base to papers from reliable international sources, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, (IDEA). They used comparative jurisprudence. They referred to  what obtains in such matters in jurisdictions such as Brazil, Kenya, Croatia, New Zealand, Australia, Canada, Netherlands, South Africa, India, United Kingdom. They referred to dictionary meaning of terms and thereafter looked at local jurisprudence before they came to their conclusion. They had found not a single jurisdiction where all the ballots are counted for the purpose of electing a candidate in an election. The ballots used are profitably used for statistical purposes: namely to assess voter turnout. But that is a far different kettle of fish. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We are accordingly of the view that the Supreme Court rightly and competently dismissed the submission of learned counsel for the Appellant as untenable. Their reasoning was backed by an ample array of authorities. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We have not been shown by learned counsel in what way the 50% is rendered meaningless when the 50% target is not surpassed in the first round but is surpassed in the second. The fact of the matter as conceded by learned counsel is that it is bound to be reached in the second round. In fact, it is clear that only two rounds are inbuilt in the system. If no candidate passes the 50% ceiling in the first round, the second round is run only with two candidates where, unless there is a tie, it is bound to reach, as it happened in the 2015 poll. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Under (c), learned counsel’s argument has been that  the Court’s interpretation ignores the provision of paragraph 5 of Schedule 3 which contemplates that more than one ballot may be required in order to achieve the fifty per cent threshold. If counsel has pointed to the use of votes in an election and valid votes cast occurring within a couple of pages of each other in the same principal document. That is fine but one may also see that the word ballot exists within 10 words in the document with which we are directly concerned, as we indicated above. If the legislator had meant the ballots, he would have said so. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">All in all, if we gave the interpretation which learned counsel is advocating, we would be reversing a core principle in the democratic system of government. Elections are meant to form a government to govern and not to provoke elections upon elections. The principle is more government and fewer elections. It is not more elections and little government. The bar is rightly set at the second round on the present calculation. On learned counsel’s political theory, the likelihood is that the people would be so sick with elections that there is no guarantee that the 50% of turnout will ever be reached leading to double suicide of the system: the failure of electoral system and the failure of government.  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">With regard to (d), learned counsel submits that the interpretation arrived at by the Constitutional Court renders the threshold meaningless in so far as in a two-candidate second ballot the winner will automatically achieve the threshold.</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We are simply intrigued by this argument. Learned counsel is obviously oblivious of the fact that his submission that in a two-candidate second ballot, the winner will automatically achieve the 50% threshold supports the argument that the 50% continues to be the constant factor. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">That may well be, all the more so when paragraph 8 speaks about second and subsequent ballots. And 8(2) of subsequent ballots. This paragraph reads:</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><a id="_Toc465957965" name="_Toc465957965"><b><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">“Second or subsequent ballot</span></span></i></b></a></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:94px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">8.         (1) Where in an election to the office of President three or more candidates take part in any ballot and no candidate receives more than fifty percent of the votes cast, then, if the result of the ballot is that -</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-indent:63.8pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="tab-stops:127.6pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">(a)   all the candidates receive the same number of votes;</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-indent:63.8pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="tab-stops:127.6pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">(b)   two or more candidates receive, equally, the highest number of votes;</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:170px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="tab-stops:127.6pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">(c) one candidate receives the highest number of votes and another candidate receives the second highest number of votes; or</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:162px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-14.15pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">(d) one candidate receives the highest number of votes and two or more candidates receive, equally, the second highest number of votes,</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:94px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">only the candidates referred to in subparagraph (a), subparagraph (b), subparagraph (c) or subparagraph (d), as the case may be, shall take part in the subsequent ballot and the other candidates, if any, shall be eliminated.</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:94px; text-align:justify; text-indent:35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">(2) Any subsequent ballots referred to in subparagraph (1) shall be held not less than seven days and not more than fourteen days after the immediately preceding ballot.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <ol start="49"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is the argument of Mr Bernard Georges that there is a constitutional rationale in the requirement that a President should attain a 50% threshold of votes so that as the President of the Republic his acceptance by the people who vote him should be clear and unambiguous. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">His argument, therefore, is that the 50% is a constant as per the Constitution for the election of the President so that since in neither round did any of the candidate obtain 50%, there should be a third ballot to ensure that a President is elected with 50% threshold so that there be clarity and lack of ambiguity in his election. For that reason, his argument is that the threshold base should be calculated from the base of “all the ballots which have entered the ballot box (other than those which have been clearly discarded, namely torn or mutilated ballots). We have not been given the reason why there should be these exceptions. Either all the ballots have to be pitted against the votes received or only valid votes against votes received. A vote may only be discarded as per law. A torn ballot is a valid ballot so long as the intention of the elector can be ascertained from it. A mutilated ballot can also be read for the intention of the elector: see <b>Kay v Goodwin [1830] 6 Bing, 576; Lemm v. Mitchell [1912] A.C. 400. </b>The flaw in the reasoning is that ballots attain legitimacy as votes only when the ballots have been used properly for the purpose for which they are meant under the law. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">His case for a fresh election is also based on the fact that no candidate obtained a 50% threshold. This threshold in the argument of learned counsel is needed to strike the balance of power which should be ensured for the successful President. The Constitutional Court correctly referred to this argument of learned counsel as the Achilles heel in his submission. We agree. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:38px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">OUR DECISION</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:38px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"> </p> <ol start="52"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">For the determination of the over 50% threshold, the votes received by the respective candidates should be counted against the valid votes cast and not against the number of ballots that found their way into the ballot box.  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">If we adopted the latter meaning, we would be, as a court of law, engaging ourselves in judicial legislation. “Votes in an election” means votes in an election of a candidate by an elector.” It does not mean “votes in a non election of a candidate by an elector.” That then will not be interpreting the Constitution in a fair and liberal way as a whole but fancifully experimenting with the Constitution, which would be a pernicious exercise to undertake in the name of the election of the Head of State of the Republic.       </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">A distinction should be drawn in law between the words “ballot,”  “vote” and “vote cast,” “valid votes” and “votes received.”  To the extent that the nouns are coupled with the verbs, they are not interchangeable. In law. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">This appeal has no merit and is dismissed.  With costs.  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-bottom:16px; margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p> </p> <p></p></sdt></div> <p> </p> <p style="margin-top:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="CECCF92EABC74462B144769696A9B684" id="22920305"><br /> <listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> S. Domah (J.A)</sdt></span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:24px; margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdtpr></sdtpr><sdt docpart="0B535942412346E6B65C2807F939D163" id="4919266" text="t">I concur:.</sdt>                               ………………….                                           </span></span></b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="092CE03E4C7D46F5BAF057AE3A817ABA" id="4919267"><br /> <listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> F. MacGregor (PCA)</sdt></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:24px; margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdtpr></sdtpr><sdt docpart="E94F5CC7A19D4BFA812B88EBDBA605C8" id="4919459" text="t">I concur:.</sdt>                               ………………….                                           </span></span></b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="D23DA6A39AC543D2836165006B8FE892" id="4919460"><br /> <listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> J. Msoffe (J.A)</sdt></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="DD41458130654D3B86C5033706F4AB00" docparttype="Quick Parts" id="8972175" sdtdocpartlist="t">Signed, dated and delivered at Ile du Port on</sdt><sdt calendar="t" calendartype="Gregorian" date="2016-12-09T00:00:00Z" dateformat="dd MMMM yyyy" docpart="7C57E06CABB54CE284673D0E596E0F81" id="8972185" lang="EN-GB" maptodatetime="t" xml:lang="EN-GB" xml:lang="EN-GB">09 December 2016</sdt></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> </div> </div> <div class="views-element-container"><div class="view view-eva view-download-conditional view-id-download_conditional view-display-id-entity_view_1 js-view-dom-id-a3c930f921b85c599ea23c0eebe9ea2de98525a3cd45543b48138536105b5392"> <div><div class="views-field views-field-views-conditional-field"><span class="field-content"><div> <div class="WordSection1"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="2E607FFCEEE7443792DBBD0A8517F1BE" id="13542603"> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:14.0pt">IN THE SEYCHELLES COURT OF APPEAL<sdtpr></sdtpr></span></b></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p></p></sdt> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p><sdt docpart="32CC895697314D7B8780A621B84C5D45" docparttype="Quick Parts" id="13542613" sdtdocpartlist="t"></sdt></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:14.0pt"><sdtpr></sdtpr><sdt docpart="56CE955C995D402795C66D986E07B68A" id="13542618" text="t">[Coram:</sdt>      </span></b><span style="font-size:14.0pt"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="69B3BF8DDA19423983D080CF1EA3A676" id="14547387"><br /> <listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> F. MacGregor (PCA)</sdt><b> </b><sdt combobox="t" docpart="1A41884E7B394189A58F743E8CDCA2C3" id="15629612"><br /> <listitem datavalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue=",S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> ,S. Domah (J.A)</sdt><b> </b><sdt combobox="t" docpart="8C7230EB988C4CCF96C4461680898966" id="15629656"><br /> <listitem datavalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue=",S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> ,J. Msoffe (J.A)</sdt><b>]</b></span></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p align="center" style="margin-top:16px; text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:14.0pt"><sdt docpart="2E607FFCEEE7443792DBBD0A8517F1BE" id="14547297">Constitutional Appeal SCA CP</sdt> 1<sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="2E607FFCEEE7443792DBBD0A8517F1BE" id="14547301">/20</sdt>16 (b)</span></b></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:14.0pt"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9591D808A52A4B769EEEEE6BD350A091" id="15629594"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">(Appeal from Constitutional Court Decision</span></sdt></span></b><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt">CP7</span></b><b><span style="font-size:14.0pt"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9591D808A52A4B769EEEEE6BD350A091" id="15629598"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">/20</span></sdt></span></b><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt">15 &amp; CP1/2016) </span></b></span></span></p> <div style="border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt; padding:0cm 0cm 5.0pt 0cm"> <p align="center" style="border:none; text-align:center; padding:0cm"> </p> </div> <table class="MsoTableGrid" style="border-collapse:collapse; border:none"> <tbody> <tr> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Wavel John Charles Ramkalawan</span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:48px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; text-align:center"> </p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; margin-left:134px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="tab-stops:100.9pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Appellant</span></span></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; text-align:center"> </p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; text-align:center"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:48px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="EC34075E15B54D3E8F5DF3C1D2EE555E" id="15629672"> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Versus<sdtpr></sdtpr></span></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p> </p></sdt></td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p> </p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"><sdt docpart="D8F0B78F37F0461BBA4BD1F8BABC5C1F" id="8972153"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Electoral Commissioner<sdtpr></sdtpr></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">James Alix Michel</span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Attorney-General</span></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p> </p></sdt></td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:48px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p align="right" style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; text-align:right"> </p> <p align="right" style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; text-align:right"> </p> <p align="center" style="margin-left:78px; text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Respondents</span></span></span></p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> </div> <p> </p> <div class="WordSection2"> <div style="border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt; padding:0cm 0cm 1.0pt 0cm"> <p align="center" style="border:none; text-align:center; padding:0cm"> </p> </div> <p style="margin-top:16px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9591D808A52A4B769EEEEE6BD350A091" id="15629736">Heard:</sdt>             <sdt calendar="t" calendartype="Gregorian" date="2016-11-29T00:00:00Z" dateformat="dd MMMM yyyy" docpart="9C6A04889BA340EC8652D87113CFFA38" id="8972154" lang="EN-GB" maptodatetime="t" xml:lang="EN-GB" xml:lang="EN-GB">29 November 2016</sdt></span></span></span></p> <p><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9591D808A52A4B769EEEEE6BD350A091" id="15629744">Counsel:</sdt>          <sdt docpart="EAE2631AC9BA4A9B8499569158BE124A" id="8972156">Mr. B. Georges for Appellant</sdt></span><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><b> </b></span></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">                        Mrs. S. Aglae for Respondent no. 1</span></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">                        Mr. B. Hoareau for Respondent no. 2</span></span></span></p> <p> </p> </div> <p> </p> <div class="WordSection3"> <p><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">                        <sdt docpart="EAE2631AC9BA4A9B8499569158BE124A" id="8972158">Mr. R. Govinden for Respondent no. 3 with Mr. A. Subramanian</sdt></span> </span></span></p> </div> <p> </p> <div class="WordSection4"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9591D808A52A4B769EEEEE6BD350A091" id="15629748">Delivered:</sdt>       <sdt calendar="t" calendartype="Gregorian" date="2016-12-09T00:00:00Z" dateformat="dd MMMM yyyy" docpart="9666AA164D5140C8BB761296796A2DC2" id="8972159" lang="EN-GB" maptodatetime="t" xml:lang="EN-GB" xml:lang="EN-GB">09 December 2016</sdt><a id="Dropdown2" name="Dropdown2"></a></span></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:gray"><sdt docpart="C03FF0CA592F4F00A20907E4FDEE3E0B" id="20146848" text="t">JUDGMENT</sdt></span></span></b></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p style="text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:16px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="EEA2BECADC7F4ED992FBB64D67D28C22" id="15629733"><br /> <listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> S. Domah (J.A)</sdt></span></span></b></span></span></span></span></p> </div> <p> </p> <div class="WordSection5"><sdt docpart="A6A93C84542F429F99FF0A239EB84ECE" id="17274583"> <ol> <li style="text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">This appeal arising out of the consolidated cases of CP07/15 and CP1/16 is being heard with agreement of parties on the specific issue of the interpretation of the terms “votes cast” and “valid votes cast” used in the paragraph 5 and 8 of Schedule 3 of the Constitution as it was applied in the 2015 Presidential Elections in Seychelles. </span></span><sdtpr></sdtpr></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:38px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"> </p> <ol start="2"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The Appellant, a Presidential candidate who was not returned, takes the view that the Electoral Commission, the independent authority which in Seychelles has been entrusted with the power to conduct and supervise elections, erred in not drawing a distinction between the two above-mentioned terms when it declared the second Respondent as the successful candidate. He challenges the decision of the Constitutional Court where the learned judges decided that the terms “votes cast” and “valid votes cast” mean one and the same thing. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">If Appellant is correct in his interpretation, then the constitutional imperative of over 50% threshold that a successful candidate to the Presidential election should satisfy will not have been met. If the Respondents are correct, then the outcome of the results is unassailable. This is what we have to decide in the present appeal. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Appellant, accordingly, seeks from this Court an order for the 2015 Elections to be annulled for a third ballot to be conducted as per the law in accordance with the proper interpretation of the words of the law and their proper application. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The Electoral Commission (Respondent No. 1), James Alix Michel (Respondent No. 2) and The Attorney-General (Respondent No. 3) resist the appeal and agree with the decision of the learned judges of the Constitutional Court. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:112.75pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">            </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">THE FACTS RELEVANT TO THIS APPEAL</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <ol start="6"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The best two who were entitled to participate in the second round of the election happened to be the Appellant and the Respondent No. 2. The results – when they came -  gave the Respondent No. 2 as the winner with 50.15% of the total votes cast compared to the Appellant with 49.85% of the total votes cast.  Appellant had received 31,319 votes and Respondent No. 2 had received 31,512 votes. 1,062 had been rejected as not complying with the law. The total number of votes cast was 63,983. The valid votes were 62,831. If the total votes received was taken against all the ballots used, then neither would have obtained the over 50% required for the election. On that calculation, Respondent No. 2 had received only 49.319%. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is the case of the Appellant before us as it was before the Supreme Court in a constitutional challenge he brought (CP7/2015) that had the percentage been taken from the total number of ballots which had entered the ballot box, the specified threshold of 50% for a successful Presidential election had not been reached: neither in the first round nor in the second round so that a third round has become necessary. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court after hearing the submissions on both sides, and with reasons and authorities, dismissed the argument. The learned judges decided that there was no difference between the terms “votes”, “votes cast” and “valid votes cast.” They came to the conclusion that Respondent No. 1 had correctly interpreted and applied the electoral law. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">GROUNDS OF APPEAL</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <ol start="9"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The appellant has repeated his arguments before us and added some additional grounds. The Additional Grounds are as follows:</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-bottom:14px; margin-left:38px; text-align:justify; text-indent:35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">“1. The Constitutional Court erred in its interpretation of the terms “votes” and “votes cast” in Schedule 3 of the Constitution to include only valid votes which had  selected a candidate, in that such an interpretation:</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <ol style="list-style-type:lower-alpha"> <li class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:83px; text-align:justify"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:150%">Ignores the reason for the threshold of fifty percent of votes to have been required in the first place, namely so that the successful candidate’s mandate would be as clear and unambiguous as possible;</span></span></i></span></span></span></li> <li class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:83px; text-align:justify"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:150%">Renders meaningless the clear difference between those formulations in Schedule 3 and the term “valid votes” in Schedule 4 prior to its amendment;</span></span></i></span></span></span></li> <li class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:83px; text-align:justify"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:150%">Ignores the provision of paragraph 5 of Schedule 3 which contemplates that more than one ballot may be required in order to achieve the fifty per cent threshold;</span></span></i></span></span></span></li> <li class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:83px; text-align:justify"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:150%">Renders the threshold meaningless in so far as in a two-candidate second ballot the winner will automatically achieve the threshold.</span></span></i></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"> </p> <ol start="10"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We shall deal with each of the issues (a) to (d) raised above in the order in which they are set out.</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">THE LAW </span></span></b></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"> </p> <ol start="11"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The law is found in paragraph 5 and paragraph 8 of Schedule 3 of the Constitution with regard to the election of the President. The relevant part of paragraph 5 reads:</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">“a person shall not be elected to the office of the President unless he has received more than <u>fifty percent of the votes in the election</u> …” [emphasis added]</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:38px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">And the basis for the holding of a second poll is found in paragraph 8:</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:58px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">“Where in an election to the office of President three or more candidates take part in any ballot and no candidate receives more than <u>fifty percent of the votes cast </u>…” [emphasis added]</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:38px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i>       </i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is worth noting for eventual reference that paragraph 5 speaks of  <i>“fifty percent of the votes in the election”</i> and paragraph 8 of <i>“fifty percent of the votes cast …”</i></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%"> <i><u> </u></i></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">GROUND (a)</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <ol start="12"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Under (a), it is the submission of learned counsel that in equating the words “votes cast” with “valid votes cast,” the Constitutional Court ignored the rationale behind the requirement of the threshold of fifty percent of votes for a Presidential election. That rationale, in his submission, lies in the fact that for a Presidential election the founding fathers of the new Constitution intended that the acceptance by the people of the Head of the State should be as clear and unambiguous as possible. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-42.55pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">COMPARISON WITH SCHEDULE 4</span></span></b></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:58px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <ol start="13"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">When submitting on (a), Mr Bernard Georges invited us to compare paragraph 2 of Schedule 4. This provision reads as follows:</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-bottom:14px; margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:115%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:115%">“A political party which has nominated one or more candidates in a general election and has polled in respect of the candidates in aggregate 10% or more of the votes cast at the election may nominate a proportionally elected members for each of the votes polled.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <ol start="14"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is his argument that “votes cast” has been used in Schedule 3 for the determination of the 50% threshold for the Presidential election. However, for the determination of the 10% threshold for the choice of members on the basis of Proportional Representation, the applicable paragraph 2 Schedule 4 speaks of “valid votes cast.” </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is his argument that when the framers of the Constitution used the term “valid votes cast” in Schedule 4 for the choice of members on Proportional Representation but omitted the word “valid” when it came to Schedule 3 for the election of the President, the choice was deliberate and the proper construction should be given to the law in terms of that intention. He points out that the phrases are used within a few pages in the same document so that the framers of the Constitution should be taken to have known the difference in the terms. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is learned counsel’s argument that the case of <b>Popular Democratic Movement v Electoral Commission (2011) SLR 385</b> which decides that the word “valid” is a surplusage may remain true for the choice of a member on Proportional Representation. But that cannot apply for the election of a President.  He submits that effect should be given to paragraph 5 of Schedule 3 in its own right as it was meant to achieve a balance of power and a majority acceptability of the President. Short of that specified majority as a clear and unambiguous expression of the will of the people, there is no legitimacy in the election of a President. On his count, in the <b>Popular Democratic Movement</b> case, the required percentage was 10%. But if all the votes cast was taken into account, the percentage would have been 7.4% as against 10.9% if all the valid votes were taken as the base. In his view, a similar short fall would be seen if all the votes cast was taken as the base save for the torn and mutilated ones.  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is further the argument of Mr Bernard Georges that the requirement of the 50% of acceptability of the President should be taken in the greater context that a democratic government derives its source of power from the will of the people, that each of the citizens has a bundle of fundamental freedoms and rights and that the government is a government by majority will. There should be a majority acceptability of the person who is going to be the Head of the State, the Commander in Chief of the Defence Forces etc. We agree. It is provided in the Constitution how it should be interpreted: see Presentation of Hon. Justice MacGregor, on the Role of the Judiciary in the Constitutional Governance of Seychelles.</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr Bernard Georges referred to a number of comparative legislations and the following cases in support of his views: <b>Raila Odinga v Independent Electoral Boundaries Commission and Ors [2013] eKLR at para 281; Morgan &amp; Ors v Simson &amp; Ors [1974] 3 WLR 517 and Popular Democratic Movement v Electoral Commission (2011) SLR 385.</b>  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:38px; text-indent:-1.0cm"> </p> <ol start="19"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Mrs Aglaé for Respondent No. 1 responded by pointing out that the words used in paragraph 5 indicates that the base for reaching the percentage should not be the ballots used but the votes received: The relevant part of Schedule 3 at paragraph 5 reads: </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">“a person shall not be elected to the office of the President unless <u>he has received</u> more than 50% of the votes in the election.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i> </i></span></span></span></span></p> <ol start="20"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr Hoareau for Respondent no. 2 submitted that the right to vote is subject to the electoral law of the country. To that extent, a person does not have the licence to vote in any way he wants, he has not voted if he is non compliant with the law. He has repeated to us the citation in the Mauritian decision of <b>Bappoo v Bughalloo &amp; Ors [1978 MR 105]</b> where the Supreme Court of Mauritius stated the following with respect to elector compliance with statutory provisions in an election: </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">“While it is true to say that effect should be given to the intention of the voter if it can be ascertained from the marking on the ballot paper, the voter must comply with certain discipline, at least such as is necessary to regulate the holding of an election according to the expressed requirements of the law. The moment the voter adopts a method of voting which conflicts with the orderly arrangement of election, his licence to express his vote as he chooses ends.” </span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></span></p> <ol start="21"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">If we had anything to add to this pronouncement, we would state that an elector has a right to vote in a democratic society but he does not have a license to express his vote as he chooses. His right to vote is subject to the rule of law and not the rule of his will. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:30px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"> </p> <ol start="22"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The Attorney-General referred to the decision of this Court in <b>Popular Democratic Movement v Electoral Commission [supra] </b>as having decided the issue, all the more so when Mr Bernard Georges does not challenge that this Court correctly decided it. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:30px; text-indent:-21.3pt"> </p> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:30px; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">OUR CONSIDERATION</span></p> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:30px; text-indent:-21.3pt"> </p> <p class="CxSpMiddle" style="margin-left:30px; text-indent:-21.3pt"> </p> <ol start="23"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We have no difficulty in accepting the proposition of Mr Bernard Georges that there was a purpose behind putting the bar at 50% for a Presidential candidate to be elected. Our difficulty, however, lies in accepting learned counsel’s proposition that to reach the threshold of  50%, one needs to take into account not all the votes that were cast in the election but all the ballots which found their way into the ballot box. In the submission of learned counsel, all the ballots included the rejected ones save for the torn or mutilated ones. On such an interpretation, the submission has been that neither candidate will have obtained the over 50% constant that is a mandatory requirement for the election of a President.</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is one thing to say that the Constitution should be interpreted fairly and liberally as we are enjoined to do under the Rules of Interpretation of the Constitution in paragraph 8, Schedule 2. But it is quite another to interpret it fancifully. The will of the people is to cast their votes in an election for the purpose of forming a government which braces itself to govern. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">If the argument is that all ballots which entered the ballot box should have been counted, then we would be equating votes with ballots when these two words carry different meanings. A ballot is a document in which the choice of a candidate is made by an elector. A vote is a document in which the candidate has made the choice as required under the law. Had the framers of the Constitution intended that the threshold of 50% should be assessed from the number of votes the candidate obtained with reference to all the ballots which entered the ballots for the election, they would have said so. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The 50% is not in relation to the turnout at the various voting booths but in relation to what the candidate has received and what he receives is only what is valid so that there is merit in saying that when paragraph 8(1) of Schedule 3 of the Constitution reads: “more than 50% of the votes cast in the election,” the word “cast” reinforces the argument that the counting of ballots do not enter the equation by merely entering into the ballot boxes. As this Court stated in the case of <b>Popular Democratic Movement v Electoral Commission (2011) SLR 385. </b></span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">“the term ‘valid’ in relation to a vote cast at a Presidential or National Assembly election or referendum has always been mere surplusage in view of our Constitutional framework.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:86px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">   </span></span></span></span></p> <ol start="27"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The word “valid” in relation to the words “vote cast” is redundant in the sense that the vote will go to the candidate only after it has been validated by the Returning Officer. Votes cannot mean anything but ballots which have been validated for the purpose for which they have been intended: for casting votes for the purpose of electing a candidate mentioned in the ballot paper. Once that validation has taken place in accordance with the law, the ballots which became votes with the elector’s choice becomes a valid vote for the election of the candidate indicated by the elector. Ballot papers where electors have not complied with the requirements of electoral law are spoilt ballots or spoilt votes. They may be votes which have been cast but votes cast are not necessarily valid votes to the same extent as ballots are not votes. The Constitutional Court referred to a number of situations where the law refers to vote cast instead of vote. There is no mystery about it. The term “votes cast” connotes the activity of the elector and changes nothing in the legal status of a vote.   </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">At paragraph 83 the learned judges state: “<i>the only distinction that ought to be made between the insertion of a ballot paper in the ballot box and a vote is that the voter has made his choice of the candidate and by that fact alone the ballot has become a vote.”</i> We agree. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">One reason advanced by learned counsel for the Appellant for taking as base all the ballots except the stayaways is that a person who stays at home and does not vote is different from one who goes to vote but by accident or design spoils his vote. In his submission, this elector went to vote and he has voted even if he has spoilt his vote in the exercise of his right to freedom of expression. To him, this vote should be counted. It was a vote cast in the election on the constitutional context that even he has voted who has spoilt his vote whether by accident or design in the combined exercise of his right to vote, his right of expression and his right to participate in an election. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is a seductive argument. However, the flaw lies in the fact that the argument shies away from the crucial issue of definitions. In fact, Mr Bernard Georges is ambivalent on definitions. At one paragraph 49 of his Written Submissions, he takes the view that this case is not about the definition of words and phrases. Yet in the rest of his submissions he is giving personal definitions of the words and phrases. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">This case is all about use of the <i>mots justes </i>in legal interpretations and application. In legal science as in all sciences, it is all about getting the terms right. It may be fashionable at a table to use words as well as phrases freely, liberally and interchangeably. The outcome is in many instances innocuous. But at the Bar and the Bench, the fashion cannot migrate. The outcome is treacherous. It is no longer then the rule of law but the rule of language. Words and phrases have their own jurisprudence in the context in which they are used. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Definition of terms is the key to this case as the Constitutional Court rightly identified, even if it proceeded for the sake of comprehensiveness to give a number of other reasons for their decision. Indeed, they looked at the Dictionary meaning of the crucial words. They reached more or less the answer but fell short of the complete answer. That is explicable because of the fact that we are here concerned not only with the definition of words and phrases but with the activity involved in the words and phrases. A ballot is a word. A vote is also a word but connotes at the same time an activity: the act of voting. With the proper use of the words and phrases, the answer is self-evident. A ballot  is a formal document prepared for the conduct of a specific election. A ballot is not yet a vote. It becomes a vote after an authorized elector makes his election in an authorized manner for the purpose for which the ballot was intended. At that stage, the ballot by virtue of his intervention may have converted the ballot into a vote. But it is not yet a vote cast. It becomes a vote cast after the elector, on making his choice, by another gesture physically inserts his vote irretrievably in the ballot box. The vote so deposited is still not a valid vote. It becomes a valid vote after the Electoral Officer has decided on examination of the vote that he will accept it for its compliance with the law. A valid vote is a vote where the Returning officer has accepted to count it for that election by that elector of the candidate of the elector’s choice. It is still not yet a vote received by the candidate. It becomes a vote received by the candidate when the Returning officer has returned it to the count. Thus, a poll is different from a ballot is different from a vote is different from a vote cast is different from a valid vote and  is different from a vote received. That is the common sense construction along which democratic elections are conducted. In some jurisdictions, this common sense has been regulated so as to make what is certain doubly certain. In some, it has been assumed that the uncommon will not enter the common and common sense need not be regulated.    </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">On that common sense construction, ballots that entered the ballot box were not votes. Ballots which entered the ballot boxes may not be taken to be the base from which the 50% is to be gauged. Paragraph 5 and 8 of Schedule 3 speaks of votes in an election and votes cast respectively and not ballots used for the purposes of an election. The framers cannot have mistaken the word ballot for vote inasmuch as they have used the word “ballot” just ten words before using the word “votes cast” in paragraph 8 of Schedule 3. They are deemed to have known the difference between ballots, votes in an election and votes cast. In the determination of the over 50%, if the framers of the Constitution intended that even those electors should be counted who spoilt their votes, the framers would have said so. Likewise, had they intended that all the ballots should have been taken in the count, they would have said so.  We are not permitted to evade the legal meaning of the words and phrases and argue on the simple comparison of two texts: namely Schedule 3 and Schedule 4. We are unable to accept the submission of learned counsel for the Appellant in that regard. With this we come to Schedule 4, the subject matter of Ground (b). </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Under (b), it is the argument of learned counsel that the interpretation given by the Constitutional Court renders meaningless the clear difference between “votes in an election” and “votes cast” used in Schedule 3 and the term “valid votes cast” in Schedule 4. Schedule 4 provides for calculating the 10% threshold in the determination of the number of proportionally elected members. It is an amendment that was effected in 1996 for the purpose of achieving a perceived inequity in the first-past-the-post system in the elections for the National Assembly. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">The issue of the interpretation of the words “valid votes cast” as compared to “votes cast” under paragraph 2 of Schedule 4 came up for interpretation in the case of <b>Popular Democratic Movement v Electoral Commissioner [supra]</b>. The basic question was whether the threshold of 10% should be calculated on the basis of votes cast or valid votes cast. The Constitutional Court decided that it should be decided on votes cast. On appeal, this Court upheld the decision commenting that the word ”valid” in the term “valid votes cast” added nothing to the notion of votes cast and was a surplusage.</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr Bernard Georges does not challenge the decision insofar as it applies to cases of Proportional Representations. But the present case, in his submission, is one that deals with a Presidential election where the overriding concern is legitimacy of the election of the President by the will of the majority of the people including those who go to the booth to express their negative values by spoiling their votes or not voting at all.      </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">In his view, a purposive, fair, progressive and liberal interpretation should be given to this sacred position sanctified by the President’s position, the highest in the land as the Head of the State, Head of Government and Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces. He is the country’s Chief Executive, the source of all executive power, the most powerful person in the land, the focal point of political leadership. An election to that office which holds the reins of the country needs a clear mandate of the majority of the electorate and not limited to those only who chose to vote and whose votes were validated.  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">This case, in the view of learned Counsel for the Appellant involves an interpretation of the issues in the broader context of the Constitution where paragraph 8 enjoins the Court to read the Constitution as a whole and to give its provisions their fair and liberal meaning. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">To the extent that all sources of power spring from the will of the people, that will is gauged by the majority acceptance in a democratic form of government. That can neither be wished  nor washed away. It should be translated into reality. The people are endowed with rights and freedoms and it is the duty of everyone to strive towards the fulfillment of the aspirations so that those aspirations do not become dead letters. Aside the fact that there exist the concept of majority rule, each and every citizen is endowed with individual rights and freedoms. Balance is the core of the political system in place. Even they serve who stand and stare. Their silence speaks louder than their words and should be counted in the assessment of the 50% threshold. So learned Counsel’s argument goes.   </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We have no doubt that these were the valid argument used for the insertion in the Constitution that the election of the President should be calculated on a basis and that the basis should be more than 50% to be true to the principle of government by majority.  The discussion, however, is not on the principle. Nor is it about persons who have exercised their right to vote. It is the manner in which the 50% should be calculated. Paragraphs 5 and 8 are clear: not on the basis of ballots nor on the basis of those who have exercised their rights to vote under section 24 but on the basis of the votes and the votes cast. And votes in an election does mean in this context the vote cast  and which the candidate has received as per the terms of the law.  That is the end all and the be all.  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We have to say that the decision of the Constitutional Court shines by its comprehensiveness. The learned Judges did not rest content with the submissions made by counsel appearing for the parties only. Concerned with achieving judicial uniformity in the interpretation of terms in the construction of democratic systems of government, they extended their knowledge base to papers from reliable international sources, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, (IDEA). They used comparative jurisprudence. They referred to  what obtains in such matters in jurisdictions such as Brazil, Kenya, Croatia, New Zealand, Australia, Canada, Netherlands, South Africa, India, United Kingdom. They referred to dictionary meaning of terms and thereafter looked at local jurisprudence before they came to their conclusion. They had found not a single jurisdiction where all the ballots are counted for the purpose of electing a candidate in an election. The ballots used are profitably used for statistical purposes: namely to assess voter turnout. But that is a far different kettle of fish. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We are accordingly of the view that the Supreme Court rightly and competently dismissed the submission of learned counsel for the Appellant as untenable. Their reasoning was backed by an ample array of authorities. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We have not been shown by learned counsel in what way the 50% is rendered meaningless when the 50% target is not surpassed in the first round but is surpassed in the second. The fact of the matter as conceded by learned counsel is that it is bound to be reached in the second round. In fact, it is clear that only two rounds are inbuilt in the system. If no candidate passes the 50% ceiling in the first round, the second round is run only with two candidates where, unless there is a tie, it is bound to reach, as it happened in the 2015 poll. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">Under (c), learned counsel’s argument has been that  the Court’s interpretation ignores the provision of paragraph 5 of Schedule 3 which contemplates that more than one ballot may be required in order to achieve the fifty per cent threshold. If counsel has pointed to the use of votes in an election and valid votes cast occurring within a couple of pages of each other in the same principal document. That is fine but one may also see that the word ballot exists within 10 words in the document with which we are directly concerned, as we indicated above. If the legislator had meant the ballots, he would have said so. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">All in all, if we gave the interpretation which learned counsel is advocating, we would be reversing a core principle in the democratic system of government. Elections are meant to form a government to govern and not to provoke elections upon elections. The principle is more government and fewer elections. It is not more elections and little government. The bar is rightly set at the second round on the present calculation. On learned counsel’s political theory, the likelihood is that the people would be so sick with elections that there is no guarantee that the 50% of turnout will ever be reached leading to double suicide of the system: the failure of electoral system and the failure of government.  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">With regard to (d), learned counsel submits that the interpretation arrived at by the Constitutional Court renders the threshold meaningless in so far as in a two-candidate second ballot the winner will automatically achieve the threshold.</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">We are simply intrigued by this argument. Learned counsel is obviously oblivious of the fact that his submission that in a two-candidate second ballot, the winner will automatically achieve the 50% threshold supports the argument that the 50% continues to be the constant factor. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">That may well be, all the more so when paragraph 8 speaks about second and subsequent ballots. And 8(2) of subsequent ballots. This paragraph reads:</span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><a id="_Toc465957965" name="_Toc465957965"><b><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">“Second or subsequent ballot</span></span></i></b></a></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:94px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">8.         (1) Where in an election to the office of President three or more candidates take part in any ballot and no candidate receives more than fifty percent of the votes cast, then, if the result of the ballot is that -</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-indent:63.8pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="tab-stops:127.6pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">(a)   all the candidates receive the same number of votes;</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:58px; text-indent:63.8pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="tab-stops:127.6pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">(b)   two or more candidates receive, equally, the highest number of votes;</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:170px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="tab-stops:127.6pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">(c) one candidate receives the highest number of votes and another candidate receives the second highest number of votes; or</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:162px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-14.15pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">(d) one candidate receives the highest number of votes and two or more candidates receive, equally, the second highest number of votes,</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:94px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">only the candidates referred to in subparagraph (a), subparagraph (b), subparagraph (c) or subparagraph (d), as the case may be, shall take part in the subsequent ballot and the other candidates, if any, shall be eliminated.</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:94px; text-align:justify; text-indent:35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="background:white"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="color:black">(2) Any subsequent ballots referred to in subparagraph (1) shall be held not less than seven days and not more than fourteen days after the immediately preceding ballot.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <ol start="49"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">It is the argument of Mr Bernard Georges that there is a constitutional rationale in the requirement that a President should attain a 50% threshold of votes so that as the President of the Republic his acceptance by the people who vote him should be clear and unambiguous. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">His argument, therefore, is that the 50% is a constant as per the Constitution for the election of the President so that since in neither round did any of the candidate obtain 50%, there should be a third ballot to ensure that a President is elected with 50% threshold so that there be clarity and lack of ambiguity in his election. For that reason, his argument is that the threshold base should be calculated from the base of “all the ballots which have entered the ballot box (other than those which have been clearly discarded, namely torn or mutilated ballots). We have not been given the reason why there should be these exceptions. Either all the ballots have to be pitted against the votes received or only valid votes against votes received. A vote may only be discarded as per law. A torn ballot is a valid ballot so long as the intention of the elector can be ascertained from it. A mutilated ballot can also be read for the intention of the elector: see <b>Kay v Goodwin [1830] 6 Bing, 576; Lemm v. Mitchell [1912] A.C. 400. </b>The flaw in the reasoning is that ballots attain legitimacy as votes only when the ballots have been used properly for the purpose for which they are meant under the law. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">His case for a fresh election is also based on the fact that no candidate obtained a 50% threshold. This threshold in the argument of learned counsel is needed to strike the balance of power which should be ensured for the successful President. The Constitutional Court correctly referred to this argument of learned counsel as the Achilles heel in his submission. We agree. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-left:38px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">OUR DECISION</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:38px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"> </p> <ol start="52"> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">For the determination of the over 50% threshold, the votes received by the respective candidates should be counted against the valid votes cast and not against the number of ballots that found their way into the ballot box.  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">If we adopted the latter meaning, we would be, as a court of law, engaging ourselves in judicial legislation. “Votes in an election” means votes in an election of a candidate by an elector.” It does not mean “votes in a non election of a candidate by an elector.” That then will not be interpreting the Constitution in a fair and liberal way as a whole but fancifully experimenting with the Constitution, which would be a pernicious exercise to undertake in the name of the election of the Head of State of the Republic.       </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">A distinction should be drawn in law between the words “ballot,”  “vote” and “vote cast,” “valid votes” and “votes received.”  To the extent that the nouns are coupled with the verbs, they are not interchangeable. In law. </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> <li style="margin-bottom:14px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">This appeal has no merit and is dismissed.  With costs.  </span></span></span></span></span></span></li> </ol> <p style="margin-bottom:16px; margin-left:58px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p> </p> <p></p></sdt></div> <p> </p> <p style="margin-top:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="CECCF92EABC74462B144769696A9B684" id="22920305"><br /> <listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> S. Domah (J.A)</sdt></span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:24px; margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdtpr></sdtpr><sdt docpart="0B535942412346E6B65C2807F939D163" id="4919266" text="t">I concur:.</sdt>                               ………………….                                           </span></span></b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="092CE03E4C7D46F5BAF057AE3A817ABA" id="4919267"><br /> <listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> F. MacGregor (PCA)</sdt></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:24px; margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdtpr></sdtpr><sdt docpart="E94F5CC7A19D4BFA812B88EBDBA605C8" id="4919459" text="t">I concur:.</sdt>                               ………………….                                           </span></span></b><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="D23DA6A39AC543D2836165006B8FE892" id="4919460"><br /> <listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> J. Msoffe (J.A)</sdt></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="DD41458130654D3B86C5033706F4AB00" docparttype="Quick Parts" id="8972175" sdtdocpartlist="t">Signed, dated and delivered at Ile du Port on</sdt><sdt calendar="t" calendartype="Gregorian" date="2016-12-09T00:00:00Z" dateformat="dd MMMM yyyy" docpart="7C57E06CABB54CE284673D0E596E0F81" id="8972185" lang="EN-GB" maptodatetime="t" xml:lang="EN-GB" xml:lang="EN-GB">09 December 2016</sdt></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> </div></span></div></div> </div> </div> Thu, 04 Mar 2021 06:02:57 +0000 Anonymous 2813 at http://old2.seylii.org Ramkalawan v Electoral Commission & Ors (SCA 1 of 2016) [2016] SCCA 28 (09 December 2016); http://old2.seylii.org/sc/judgment/court-appeal/2016/28 <span class="field field--name-title field--type-string field--label-hidden">Ramkalawan v Electoral Commission &amp; Ors (SCA 1 of 2016) [2016] SCCA 28 (09 December 2016);</span> <div class="field field--name-field-flynote field--type-entity-reference field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Flynote</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/128" hreflang="x-default">Democracy</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/127" hreflang="x-default">HR</a></div> </div> </div> <span class="field field--name-uid field--type-entity-reference field--label-hidden"><span>Anonymous (not verified)</span></span> <span class="field field--name-created field--type-created field--label-hidden">Thu, 03/04/2021 - 06:02</span> <div class="field field--name-field-files field--type-file field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Download</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-vnd-openxmlformats-officedocument-wordprocessingml-document file--x-office-document"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scca/2016/28/2016-scca-28.docx" type="application/vnd.openxmlformats-officedocument.wordprocessingml.document; length=87043">2016-scca-28.docx</a></span> </div> </div> </div> <div class="clearfix text-formatted field field--name-body field--type-text-with-summary field--label-hidden field__item"><div> <div class="WordSection1"><span style="page:WordSection1"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="1E8FCCD80AF94DE29707C54092B06D6F" id="13542603"> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p></p></sdt></span> <div class="WordSection1"><span style="page:WordSection1"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9140652B8A3C428D9EE69970D5006E03" id="13542603"> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:14.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">IN THE SEYCHELLES COURT OF APPEAL<sdtpr></sdtpr></span></b></span></span></p> <p></p></sdt></span> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p><span style="page:WordSection1"> <sdt docpart="4F7F089D4D9F470BAC8CAE300F1C9DE6" docparttype="Quick Parts" id="13542613" sdtdocpartlist="t"></sdt></span></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:14.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><sdtpr></sdtpr><sdt docpart="DC440F9BCB994811ADDE003ECDD3AC7F" id="13542618" text="t">[Coram:</sdt>  </span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:14.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="61284B988CA141CC9B9AA79D042E5AC1" id="14547387">F. MacGregor (PCA)</sdt><b> </b><sdt combobox="t" docpart="B0EB1A139EFF4E469FC223B356C75E4E" id="15629612"><listitem datavalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue=",S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> ,S. Domah (J.A)</sdt><b> </b><sdt combobox="t" docpart="B4F0199A653643D19FFC45CFAFC118D6" id="15629656"><listitem datavalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue=",S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> ,J. Msoffe (J.A)</sdt><b>]</b></span></span></span></p> <p></p> <p align="center" style="margin-top:16px; text-align:center"><span style="page:WordSection1"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:14.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><sdt docpart="9140652B8A3C428D9EE69970D5006E03" id="14547297">Constitutional Appeal SCA CP</sdt> 1<sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9140652B8A3C428D9EE69970D5006E03" id="14547301">/20</sdt>16 (c)</span></b></span></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; text-align:center"><span style="page:WordSection1"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:14.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="0C134D972EC74F168788199C77496CCF" id="15629594"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">(Appeal from Constitutional Court Decision</span></sdt> </span></b><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">CP 7/2015 &amp; CP 1/2016) </span></b></span></span></span></p> <div style="border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt; padding:0cm 0cm 5.0pt 0cm"> <p align="center" style="border:none; text-align:center; padding:0cm"> </p> </div> <table class="MsoTableGrid" style="border-collapse:collapse; border:none"> <tbody> <tr> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="page:WordSection1"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">Wavel John Charles Ramkalawan</span></span></span></span></p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:58px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="page:WordSection1"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="tab-stops:132.45pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">                                            Appellant</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; text-align:center"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:58px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"><span style="page:WordSection1"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="E9655F5E6D9F4FAA856CEA3AF5B6FD86" id="15629672"> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">Versus<sdtpr></sdtpr></span></span></span></p> <p> </p></sdt></span></td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p> </p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"><span style="page:WordSection1"><sdt docpart="2FC18CD0F045421DB498D487421591BA" id="8972153"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">The Electoral Commissioner<sdtpr></sdtpr></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">James Alix Michel</span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"> Attorney General</span></span></span></p> <p> </p></sdt></span></td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:58px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p align="right" style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; text-align:right"> </p> <p align="right" style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; text-align:right"> </p> <p><span style="page:WordSection1"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="tab-stops:131.6pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">                                            Respondents</span></span></span></span></span></p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> </div> <p> </p> <div class="WordSection2"> <div style="border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt; padding:0cm 0cm 1.0pt 0cm"> <p align="center" style="border:none; text-align:center; padding:0cm"> </p> </div> <p style="margin-top:16px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="page:WordSection2"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="0C134D972EC74F168788199C77496CCF" id="15629736">Heard:</sdt>             <sdt calendar="t" calendartype="Gregorian" date="2016-11-29T00:00:00Z" dateformat="dd MMMM yyyy" docpart="E4AD7425A5CD4DCCBEBF18B6C7924C1E" id="8972154" lang="EN-GB" maptodatetime="t" xml:lang="EN-GB">29 November 2016</sdt></span></span></span></span></p> <p><span style="page:WordSection2"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="0C134D972EC74F168788199C77496CCF" id="15629744">Counsel:</sdt>          <sdt docpart="97001E8828DD45FCB928FA1212FFD41A" id="8972156">Mr. Bernard Georges for Appellant</sdt></span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><b> </b></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p><span style="page:WordSection2"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">                        Mrs. S. Aglae for Respondent no. 1</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px; text-indent:36.0pt"><span style="page:WordSection2"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr.  B. Hoareau for Respondent no. 2</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> </div> <p>                      <span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;, serif; font-size: 12pt;" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> <sdt docpart="97001E8828DD45FCB928FA1212FFD41A" id="8972158">Mr. R. Govinden for Respondent no. 3 with Mr. A. Subramanian</sdt></span></span><span style="font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;, serif; font-size: 10pt;"> </span><br />  </p> <div class="WordSection4"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:16px"><span style="page:WordSection4"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="0C134D972EC74F168788199C77496CCF" id="15629748">Delivered:</sdt>       <sdt calendar="t" calendartype="Gregorian" date="2016-12-09T00:00:00Z" dateformat="dd MMMM yyyy" docpart="BA82967198464982BED226EDB60F4AD0" id="8972159" lang="EN-GB" maptodatetime="t" xml:lang="EN-GB">09 December 2016</sdt><a name="Dropdown2" id="Dropdown2"></a></span></span></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"><strong><span style="page:WordSection4"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="color:gray"><sdt docpart="C83B561FB66A43FC9462507BF2A09078" id="20146848" text="t"><strong>JUDGMENT</strong></sdt></span></span></span></span></span></strong></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p style="text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:16px; text-align:justify"><span style="page:WordSection4"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="D8987113525E41969DE8BDBFF48331B9" id="15629733"><listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> S. Domah (J.A)</sdt></span></span></b></span></span></span></span></span></p> </div> <p> </p> <div class="WordSection5"><span style="page:WordSection5"><sdt docpart="1D47C2BA5AE3469B83FB32E220C9EB9C" id="17274583"> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">(1)       </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">This appeal arising out of the consolidated cases of CP07/15 and CP1/16 is being heard with agreement of parties on the decision of the Constitutional Court which decided, inter alia, that: (a) illegal practices had occurred in the 2015 Presidential Election but they were not such that would lead to the annulment of the election; and (b) that proof of agency had not been made out against Respondent no. 2, the successful candidate. </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><sdtpr></sdtpr></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(2)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Soon after the declaration of the results of the 2015 Presidential Election, the Appellant, the Presidential candidate who obtained the next best vote after the elected President, had brought an action against the three respondents. Respondent no. 1 is the Electoral Commission, the independent authority which in Seychelles has been entrusted with the power to conduct and supervise elections </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">as per article 115(3) and article 116(1)(a) of the Constitution of the Republic of Seychelles. </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> Respondent no. 2 is James Alix Michel, the elected President and Respondent no. 3 is the Attorney-General who </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">has been joined to the Petition under rule 7(4) of the Presidential Election and National Assembly Election (Election Petition) Rules, 1998.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(3)      </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Republic of Seychelles, as per its Constitution, is a Presidential democracy. The  President is elected for 5 years at any one time by secret ballot. In the discharge of its responsibilities, the Electoral Commission follows the provisions of the Elections Act.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(4)       </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> In December 2015, the then President James Alix Michel, who had already served two mandates stood for a third time. It is constitutionally enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of Seychelles (“the Constitution”) that, when it comes to a Presidential election, a candidate should fetch more than 50% of the votes cast at the polls to be declared the winner. If none of the candidates – and there is no limit to the number who can stand in this first exercise – reaches that ceiling, then this deficiency triggers a second round for the completion of the election. In this second round, only the two best candidates from the first round may postulate. The over 50% suffrage is a constant for in the first or subsequent elections.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(5)       </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">On 3<sup>rd</sup> to 5<sup>th</sup> December 2015 elections, no candidate had secured more than 50% of the votes cast. Accordingly, a second round was called for under Schedule 3 paragraph 8 of the Constitution.  This was happening for the first time in its history. In this second round which took place between 16<sup>th</sup> to 18<sup>th</sup> December 2015, the 2 candidates were President James Alix Michel who had fetched, in the first round, 47.76% under the banner of Parti Lepep (PL) and Wavel John Ramkalawan who had fetched 35.33% under the banner of Seychelles National Party (SNP). </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(6)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Late in the evening on 18<sup>th</sup> December 2015, the following results were declared by the First Respondent: 49.85% with 31,319 of the votes in favour of the Petitioner (Appellant in this case); and 50.15% with 31,512 of the votes in favor of the Second Respondent. The declared successful candidate was, accordingly, President James Alix Michel with 50.15% of the votes cast, for a third time in office; and Wavel John Ramkalawan with 49.85% of the votes cast with 25 years of political career.  The margin of votes was 193.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(7)       </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Wavel John Ramkalawan aggrieved by the outcome brought two cases before the Constitutional Court. The first case (CP 07/2015) was a Constitutional Petition in terms of Article 130 of the Constitution and the second (CP 01/2016) under section 51 of the Constitution and section 44 of the Elections Act, Cap 68A (hereinafter “the Act”).  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(8)       </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In CP 01/2016, the petitioner, now appellant, had sought a declaration to annul the election on the ground that there had been instances of non compliance with the Elections Act and illegal practices corrupting the election. He prayed for fresh elections to be held. The Constitutional Court sitting as an Election Court, heard oral evidence from the parties and witnesses in a mega trial. Finally, in its judgment, it made a finding that there had been non compliance and illegal practices in some instances averred by the Appellant, then petitioner, but not in all. It also decided that the non compliance and illegal practices found were not of such a nature as to warrant a declaration nullifying the election as such.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(9)       </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In CP 07/2015, the appellant sought an order for annulling the election on the ground that there was a misapplication of the electoral law in that the counting should have been done on the basis of all the votes cast and not on basis of valid votes cast. Appellant contended that the two terms were not one and the same and the difference in application would lead to the conclusion that the constant of over 50% had not been attained by either candidate in the 2<sup>nd</sup> round of the Presidential Election.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(10)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Since both cases involved the same parties, questioned the same election and were seeking the annulment of the Presidential election, they were consolidated and the hearing commenced on 14<sup>th</sup> January 2016.  The appeals raised a number of issues, some of which exacted urgent determination on account of the forthcoming National Assembly Elections fixed for 8<sup>th</sup>, 9<sup>th</sup> and 10<sup>th</sup> of September. A slot was allocated in the August session of the Court of Appeal to accommodate that case on account of its dire urgency in view of the forthcoming National Assembly Elections where his participation would have been compromised. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(11)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court had already found proved illegal practice against the Appellant but advisedly stayed the sanction on it. The sanction as per the law was reporting the finding to the Electoral Commission for a sanction that his name be removed from the electoral register for a period of 5 years.  For the record, it is worth recall that the Constitutional Court could have very well forthwith made the reporting as a result of which the Appellant would have been unable to participate in the National Assembly Elections. But it used its discretion in his favour, on an application made, to stay the reporting pending the determination of the Appellate Court. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(12)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">This aspect of the case had already been heard and decided by the Appellate Court and judgment delivered on 12<sup>th</sup> August 2016 in which this Court decided that the applicant be spared the reporting. see <b>Wavel John Charles Ramkalawan v Electoral Commission, James Alix Michel and Attorney General (no. 1) SCA CP01/2016. </b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(13)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are now concerned with the two outstanding issues demarcated. One is the application of the threshold of 50% in the counting of votes, more specifically, on the meaning of “votes in the election” and “votes cast” in the counting process in case <b>Wavel John Charles Ramkalawan v Electoral Commission, James Alix Michel and Attorney General (no. 2)</b>. The other is the meaning of agency, non compliance and illegal practice in application of the electoral law in <b>Wavel John Charles Ramkalawan v Electoral Commission, James Alix Michel and Attorney General (No. 3).</b> </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(14)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> Before we come to the grounds of appeal, we may as well recall what the  Constitutional Court found and decided. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:142px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">1.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Regarding to the allegation of illegal practices against the second Petitioner affecting the results of the elections, it found that the Petitioner has not discharged the burden of proof to the standard required by law in this matter.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:142px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">2.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In individual acts of illegal practices, it accepted that some reprehensible acts did take place; however,  the learned Judges were not persuaded that those acts or any of them satisfied the tests of agency to directly or indirectly link them to the Second Respondent as is required by the provisions of the Act.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:142px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">3.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Regarding the prayer for annulling the election, they concluded that it is a requirement of the law that the burden rests upon the Appellant to prove that the illegal practices if perpetrated by the Second Respondent or through his agency affected the result of the elections.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:142px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">4.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">As regards non-compliance by the First Respondent with the Act, it took the view that although many irregularities occurred and procedures were not all the time followed, they were not breaches of the law as such but non observance of guidelines in the handbook which is not enforceable.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:142px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">5.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The learned Judges were satisfied that the counting procedures although not always orthodox did not reveal any stray votes or evidence of stuffed ballots or any interference in the count amounting to affecting the result of the election.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(15)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">On those findings and conclusions, the Appellant has put up the following grounds of appeal.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Agency – Ground 1</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:142px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">1.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The constitutional court erred at paragraphs [427] and [428] of it judgment in:</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:198px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:148.85pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">a)    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Applying Seychelles law as to agency to the determination of responsibility for illegal practices committed on behalf of the second Respondent, and not a wider scope of agency appropriate to elections in terms of which a candidate is responsible for the actions of a wide range of persons who procure a benefit for the candidate.</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:198px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:148.85pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">b)    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Placing an unduly high burden in paragraph 428 upon the petitioner to adduce evidence both of a contract of agency between the candidate and the agent and its acceptance by the agent.</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:198px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:148.85pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">c)    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Ignoring the provisions of section 45 of the Elections Act that an illegal practice is proved against a candidate where at least the candidate or his agent has knowledge of the practice.</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Affecting the result - Ground 2</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">2.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The constitutional court erred in its interpretation of the law at paragraph [524] of its judgment that, in addition to proving an illegal practice, the Petitioner was also required to prove that the illegal practice had affected the result of the elections in that the second element is not a legal requirement.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Making Registers - Ground 3</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">3.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The constitutional Court erred in paragraph [521] and [526] of its judgement in not finding that the lack of marking of the register in each polling station was contrary to the law and therefore a reconciliation of the registers used in each polling station was required, and as a result erred in not ordering recount of all votes in all polling stations after a reconciliation of the registers used, as prayed for by the petitioner.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Shifting Burden of proof - Ground 4</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">4.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In each case where the Constitutional Court had found an illegal practice to have been committed in favour of the second Respondent, the Constitutional Court erred in not shifting the burden onto the second Respondent to prove that the illegal practice had been made in circumstances affording a defence or an excuse in law.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr Rene and Mr Pillay - Ground 5 and 6</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">5.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court erred in paragraph [436] of its judgment in not finding that Mr Rene was an agent of the second Respondent on the basis of evidence adduced that he had been the predecessor of the second Respondent as President, belonged to the same party and had appeared for the second Respondent in political broadcasts of the second Respondent during the election. All of these factors rendered the possibility that Mr Rene was either the agent of the second Respondent’s knowledge or had acted with Second Respondent’s knowledge, more probable than not.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">6.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court erred in paragraph [436] of its judgment in finding that Mr Rene had not been proved to have asked Mr Pillay to vote for the second Respondent in that such a requirement is not a necessary element of the offence, as stated by the Constitutional Court itself at paragraph [424] of its judgment.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Dania Valentin and Flossel Francois - Ground 7</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">7.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court erred in paragraph [438] and [439]of its judgment in ignoring the evidence of the improbable timing of the release of Mr Francois to coincide with the public shift in support of Ms Valentin from the opposition to the Second Respondent (as manifested by her appearance in a political party broadcast for the Second Respondent), and in not concluding thereby that the Petitioner had discharged the burden on him and that, in the absence of an evidence in rebuttal by the second Respondent, to whom the evidentiary burden had shifted, the illegal practice had been made out.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Etihad Airways - Ground 8</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">8.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court erred in paragraph [442] of its judgment in not finding that Mr David Savy at least acted with the knowledge of the second Respondent on the basis of evidence that he had made on the face book post, the same threats that the second Respondent had previously made and which had been reported in the Seychelles Nation Newspaper about Etihad Airways leaving Seychelles in the event of the Appellant being elected.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Mrs Beryl Botsoie - Ground 9</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">9.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court erred in paragraph 455 of its judgment in not finding  that Mrs Beryl Botsoie was an agent of the second Respondent, ignoring that Mrs Botsoie was both a head teacher in the government of the second Respondent and his polling agent in an electoral area.  These factors rendered it more probable than not that Mrs Bosoie was an agent of the second Respondent, or at least that he had knowledge of her actions.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">SPDF Officers - Ground 10</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">10.       </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The constitutional Court erred in paragraph 458 of its judgment in not finding that at least Lt Col Roseline was an agent of the second Respondent, or that the second Respondent had knowledge of what Lt. Col. Roseline was doing, in that Lt Col Roseline was proved to be the Military Adviser of the Second Respondent, their Commander in chief.  These factors rendered it more probable than not that all three officers were agents of the second Respondent, or at least that he had knowledge of their actions.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">James Lesperance - Ground 11</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">11.       </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Th Constitutional Court erred in paragraph [461] of its judgment in not finding that Mr James Lesperance was an agent of the second Respondent, or had been action with the knowledge of the second Respondent or his agents, in that the coincidence of Mr Lesperance’s presence as a front-line guest at the inauguration of the second Respondent, in the absence of an innocent explanation therefore, rendered proof of agency or knowledge of his actions more probable than not.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Dolor Ernesta - Ground 12</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">12.       </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The constitutional Court erred in paragraph [464] of its judgement in finding the alleged illegal practice unproved in that the court ignored the uncontroverted testimony that Mrs Dine was disheveled and badly dressed, and had expressed her wish not to vote.  These factors rendered it more probable than not that Mrs Dine was being taken to vote against her will.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Indian Ocean Tuna (IOT) - Ground 13</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">13.       </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court erred in paragraph [469] of its judgment in not finding the illegal practices proved, in that the court -</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">a.       </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Ignored evidence that the promise made to the Seychellois workers at Indian Ocean Tuna was made for the first time in time for the second ballot, had never been made before and was in respect of a group of workers not covered by previous, publicly announced, schemes for a 13<sup>th</sup> month salary.</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:123px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">b.       </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Erred in its statement that the Petitioner had offered the same incentive in that the offer made by the Petitioner was not as an inducement to vote for him, it had been made in his manifesto and had been limited to public service employees and not those at Indian Ocean Tuna (IOT).</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:123px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">RELIEFS SOUGHT BY THE APPELLANT</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(16)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">By way of relief, the Appellant has prayed for the following orders:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">1.      That by reason of proven illegal practices by persons for whom the second Respondent was responsible, the Presidential Elections of December 2015 were null and void and would have to be held afresh.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">2.    That the Constitutional Court consider whether to report the second Respondent to the Electoral Commission.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"> </p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">3.   That the first Respondent be ordered to make arrangements to hold fresh presidential Elections.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"> </p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">4.      Alternatively to the previous orders, that the first Respondent recount the ballots cast in the Second Ballot on 18<sup>th</sup> December 2015, after reconciling all electoral registers used in all polling stations, and declare the results of the recount.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(17)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Before we come to the factual issues, we shall circumscribe the applicable law to the issues raised in this appeal. They are: inter alia: the jurisdiction of the Court and its powers with respect to the order of voidance of an election; the procedure and the nature of the action; the provisions that have to be complied with for the conduct of an election, the breach of which will lead to non-compliance; the acts which may constitute illegal practice. We shall then deal with the law of agency (Ground 1), burden of proof and affecting the result (Ground 2), marking of registers (Ground 3), standard of proof and shifting of burden of proof (Ground 4) before moving to the factual application of the law under Grounds 1 to 4 in Grounds 5 to 13. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">JURISDICTION, PROCEDURE, NATURE OF ACTION</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(18)    </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Section 43 of the Elections Act provides that the result of a Presidential Election or a National Assembly Election shall not be questioned or subject to review in any court except on an election petition presented to the Constitutional Court under the Elections Act. In the decision we gave in August in this case relating to Reporting, we dealt with the unique nature of the Constitutional Court sitting as an Election Court and the combined adversarial and inquisitorial nature of its jurisdiction. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(19)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Elections Act vests the Constitutional Court with powers under section 45(2) whereby the court may not stay content with only the dispute between the parties but need to go further. It may order <i>proprio motu</i> and compel any person concerned with the election to attend as a witness to depose. The trial is not only the trial of the persons directly before court but it is one of the election itself. That is apparent by the wording of section 45(2) which reads:<b>          </b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="boldtext" style="margin-top:7px; margin-left:47px; text-indent:1.0cm; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:8.5pt"><span style="line-height:normal"><span style="font-family:&quot;Helvetica LT Std&quot;"><span style="color:black"><span style="font-weight:bold"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-weight:normal">   <i>“45(2) The Constitutional Court may— </i></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="NL2" style="margin-top:1px; margin-left:95px; text-indent:35.45pt; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:8.5pt"><span style="line-height:normal"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="color:black"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US">(a)        by an order, compel any person who appears to the Court to be concerned in the election to attend as a witness at the trial; and</span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="NL2" style="margin-top:1px; margin-left:142px; text-indent:0cm; text-align:justify"> </p> <p class="NL2" style="margin-top:1px; margin-left:95px; text-indent:35.45pt; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:8.5pt"><span style="line-height:normal"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="color:black"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US">(b)        examine a witness referred to in paragraph (a) or any person in Court, although the person has not been called as a witness.</span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="NL2" style="margin-top:1px; margin-left:95px; text-indent:35.45pt; text-align:justify"> </p> <p class="NL1" style="margin-top:1px; margin-left:95px; text-indent:0cm; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:8.5pt"><span style="line-height:normal"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="color:black"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US">(3) A witness or a person referred to in (3) subsection (2) may be examined or cross examined, as the case may be, by the petitioner, respondent and Attorney-General or his representative, if present at the trial.”</span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(20)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court has other powers: that of pronouncing an election void if it is satisfied that this should be so, as per section 46(1) which reads:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-7.1pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> “At the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Constitutional Court shall determine –</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:70.9pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(a) whether the election is valid;</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:70.9pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:70.9pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(b) whether the election is void …. ;</span></span></i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">” </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(21)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Further, it has the power to order recounts under section 44(8) which reads: </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The Constitutional Court may order a recount of the ballot papers where it is satisfied that there was an irregularity in the counting of the ballot papers that affected the results of the election.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i> </i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-7.1pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">  <b>THE ELECTIONS ACT</b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(22)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Wavel v Electoral Commission &amp; Ors (No. 1) CP1/2016, 12 August 2016,</b> we explained the co-existence of the two regimes in the Act: the civil action and the criminal action. We need not elaborate except to refresh ourselves on the fact that two types of actions are possible under the Elections Act. One is a civil action initiated by any individual based on the same facts which will lead to ultimate sanctions such as removal of names from the register or the rendering of the avoidance of an election of the impugned candidate. The other is a criminal action initiated by the State in the name of the Attorney-General against an individual who may be in breach of any of the provisions of the Elections Act. The sanctions here are the classical penalties of fines and imprisonment.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(23)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are here concerned with such an action started by a petition by Mr Wavel Ramkalawon, now a Member of the National Assembly but at the material time an unsuccessful candidate in the Presidential Election.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">THE CONDUCT AND SUPERVISION OF AN ELECTION</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(24)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The responsibility to conduct and supervise a Presidential Election, a National Assembly Election or a Referendum is entrusted to an Electoral Commission, an independent body under the Constitution: see article 115(3) and 116(1)(a). In the exercise of its powers, the Electoral Commission is not under the direction and control of any person or authority in the performance of its functions. The conduct and supervision is done under the law, in this case the Elections Act. The Electoral Commissioner elects independent officers to carry out the tasks entrusted to them under the Act. It has produced a number of Guidelines for the purpose. There is published a Code of Conduct for stake holders which was signed by all the political parties published in November 2015.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">THE RELEVANT LAW ON COMPLIANCE WITH THE ACT</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(25)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The law with respecting to the voidance of elections is found in section 44 of the Elections Act. It enables a petitioner to challenge the validity of the election of a President by way of an election petition in which he can seek a prayer that the election is void. The grounds on which the election may be held to be void is provided for in section 44(7).</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(26)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The relevant part of this section reads:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The Constitutional Court may declare that an election ... is void if the Court is satisfied –</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(a)        That there was a non-compliance with this Act relating to the election … and the non-compliance affected the result of the election ;</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:180px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(b)        That an illegal practice was committed in connection with the election by and with the knowledge and consent or approval of the candidate or by or with the knowledge and consent or approval of any of the agents of the agents of the candidate.” </span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(27)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Elections Act (“the Act”) itself deals comprehensively with how an election should be carried out. It is open to every citizen of Seychelles who has registered himself under the Act to vote at the electoral centre where his name appears in the Electoral Register. The Register is updated annually in terms of residence: see section 7.  The Act also speaks about the manner in which the polling station shall be arranged (see section 21(1)); the timely notices with regard to the location of polling stations (see section 17(1)); the times at which voting may commence and end and the manner in which the closing time will apply (see section 17(1)(b). The Act further provides for sufficiency of ballot boxes at the centres (section 18(5); for the appointment of polling agents by each candidate whose task is to be present at the time the voting is taking place (see 20(1)); for facilities given to the polling agent to see the ballot paper being handled and see the entrance of the voter into the voting booth (see section 20(5)) etc. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(28)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">More importantly, section 25 provides for voting to be conducted in substance and as nearly as possible in the manner provided for in the Act: by personal attendance and  on production of the National Identity Card. The Electoral Officer should also be satisfied that the person has not voted at the station or elsewhere at the election. When a voter appears, his number is called out with his particulars, a stamped ballot paper is handed out to him authenticated by an official stamp and the fact that the voter has exercised his vote is marked. All this takes place within sight of the polling agent of the candidate so that the system is protected against any malpractice. At the end of the day, the ballot boxes are closed and sealed in presence of the respective polling agents. Polling agents are also allowed to place their seals if they so wish. A ballot paper account is carried out and a Statement made to that effect. The counting takes place on the very same day, unlike in many jurisdictions where they are kept under official custody under lock and key until the next morning when voting starts. Before the counting starts, the candidates and their polling agents are allowed to inspect the seals before they are broken. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(29)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Under section 34(2), there are clear indications of what ballots are to be valid and what are to be rejected. And if there is a controversy over it, any objection is recorded. As per section 36(1), upon conclusion of the counting, the Electoral Officer, in presence of the candidates, if present, or the counting agents of candidates, proceed to verify the ballot paper account by comparing the number of ballot papers recorded in the account with the number counted, rejected and unused. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(30)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">That is the law, by and large, as far as compliance with electoral process is concerned. We wanted to elaborate on the above to reassure that the system in place is sound, democratic and credible. And persons who may abused the system may be caught by the civil and criminal law applicable. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">THE RELEVANT LAW ON ILLEGAL PRACTICE</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(31)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Now with regard to illegal practice, we go to sections 44, 45 and 51(3). Section 51(3) reads:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“For the purposes of this section and sections 44, 45, 47 and 51(3), <i>a person commits an illegal practice where the person –</i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:127.6pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(a)       directly or indirectly, by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, gives, lends or agrees to give or lend, offers or promises to procure or to endeavour to procure, any more or valuable consideration to or for any voter or to or for any other person on behalf of a voter or to or for another person, in order to induce the voter to vote or refrain from voting, or corruptly does any such act as aforesaid on account of such voter having voted or refrained from voting at an election. </span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:127.6pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(b)       directly or indirectly by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, gives or procures or agrees to give or procure or to endeavor to procure, any office, place or employment to or for a voter, or to or for any person, in order to induce the voter to vote or refrain from voting, or corruptly does any such act as aforesaid on account of the voter having voted or refrained from voting at an election;</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:127.6pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(c)        directly or indirectly, by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, makes an gift, loan, offer, promise, procurement, or agreement referred to in paragraph (b) to or for an person in order to induce such person to procure or to endeavour to procure the vote of a voter at an election …”</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(32)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Elections Act creates a wide range of offences criminalizing activities related to registration, ballot boxes, election notices, disturbances, obstruction of Electoral Officer to do their duty, electioneering, conditions for posting bills, posters, pamphlets, or circulars, non compliance with the Act, illegal practice etc. all designed to ensure that the election runs smoothly as an election should run in a democratic system of government: see section 51.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(33)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In this case, we are concerned principally with section 51 (3) (a) to (c), even if some of the other sections come up sometimes as reference. In non legalese language, the gist of section 51 (3)(a), is that a person shall not attempt to buy the vote of an elector by money or money’s worth either to vote differently or not to vote: see section 51(3)(b). The same applies if he is attempting to do so in exchange for any office, place or employment: see section 51(3)(b). Nor can he do so by making any gift, loan, offer, promise, procurement or agreement: see section 51(3)(c). He cannot do any of these things either by himself or through an agent, either directly or indirectly: see 51(3)(c) to (d), inter alia. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(34)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Now with respect to the procedure and power of an election court, we refer to section 45. An application should be by way of petition and the hearing in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original civil jurisdiction. But there is more. An election court, unlike other courts, is vested with powers of investigation. As per section 45 (2) to (3), it can summon witnesses, examine them and cross-examine witnesses who have deposed.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(35)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court sits for matters of election as an Election Court. Section 46(1) binds the Court to determine at the conclusion of a trial whether the election was valid or void, whether a recount is required, the procedure to conduct it and the procedure to declare the outcome.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(36)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Section 47 deals with the sanctions that should follow a finding of illegal practice on the individuals, candidates and agents: i.e. a reporting to the Electoral Commissioner for the purpose of removing the name of the person from the Electoral Register for a period of 5 years. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(37)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">With respect to this aspect, section 47(4) provides that if the act and omission was made in good faith through inadvertence, or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause, the person shall be spared the consequences of this Act. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(38)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Now that we have referred to the applicable laws above, we may consider the grounds in the order in which they have been raised. Agency (Ground 1); affecting the result (Ground 2) Marking of Registers (Ground 3); Burden of Proof Ground 4 before considering the factual issues in Ground 5 to 13.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> GROUND 1</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">AGENCY</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(39)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In point of law, under Ground 1, the contention of learned counsel for the Appellant is that it is the law of agency of elections which should be applied and not the civil law of agency as obtains in the Seychelles Civil Code.  The question is raised to gauge the relationship between the Second Respondent and the various individuals whose acts and doings were regarded as illegal practices. They were Mr Albert Réné, Mr David Savy, Mrs Beryl Botsoie, Lt. Col. Roseline and Mr James Lespérance.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(40)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court decided that there was no relationship of agency between these aforementioned people and the second Respondent. It also decided that the law of agency which should apply is the law of agency under Chapters 1-IV of Title XIII of the Civil Code of Seychelles provides for the rules relating to agency. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(41)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Article 1984 defines agency as:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:95px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><i>“An act whereby a person called the principal gives to another called the agent or proxy the power to do something for him and in his name.”</i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(42)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In other words, the principal-agent relationship is an arrangement in which one entity legally appoints another to act on its behalf.  Agents, by definition, have rights and responsibilities and are to act within the scope of the authority if the principal is to be bound by the agent’s acts and doings.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(43)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The reasoning of the Constitutional Court was that members of the wider public who merely manifest support for the candidate cannot and should not be held to be agents of the candidate.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="color:black">(44)     </span></span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">That proposition of law is perfectly sound to us and stands valid whether in the common law jurisdictions, civil law jurisdictions, in election law or in any other field of law. There is no need for a formal agreement for the relationship of agency to apply in any of these jurisdictions or fields of law.  It can be implied by facts and circumstances. The rule is for a formal appointment but agency may be implied or may be orally established: <b>see <a name="_Toc464196183" id="_Toc464196183"><span style="color:black">Article 1985</span></a><span style="color:black">. </span></b><span style="color:black">Acceptance may be implied by circumstances and may be purely gratuitous <b>(see Article 1986)</b>.<b>  </b></span><span style="color:black">It is either special and for one case or certain cases only, or general covering all the cases of the principal: <b>see Article 1987.</b></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(45)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are a hybrid jurisdiction and we borrow the best from both the common law and the civil law to supply the deficiencies in our own laws. But in this area, the differences are more apparent than real. Every article in the Civil Code rezones every judicial decision in the common law system. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(46)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Thus, agents are distinguished in respect of authority as general or special agents both in common law and civil law.  This distinction is made to determine the authority of that agent.  It has been stated in the case of <b>Jacob V Morris [1902] 1 CH 816.</b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“A general agent has the full apparent authority due to his employment or position and the principal will be bound by his acts within that authority though he may have imposed special restrictive limits which are not known to the other contracting party. A special agent has no apparent authority beyond the limits of his appointment and the principal is not bound by his acts in excess of those limits whether the other contracting party knows of them or not.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(47)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">An election agent is not a general agent in any system of law. He is a special agent for the purposes of the election with specific tasks of canvassing votes for the candidate and representing him in a limited number of places in course of the electoral campaign and formally in proceedings for the election vis-à-vis the Electoral Commission or the Chief Electoral Officer simply because the candidate cannot be everywhere. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(48)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Comparative jurisprudence is not dissonant in this regard. In the Nigerian case <b>of Wali V. Batarawa (2204) 16 NWLR</b>, the Court of Appeal decided that where the allegation of electoral malpractices or corrupt practices are committed by the agents of the person returned as duly elected, the petitioner must establish the following: (a) that the alleged agent claimed to be the agent of the elected person; (b) that the offences were committed in favour of the elected person either (i) with his knowledge; or (ii) with the knowledge or consent of a person who is acting under the general or special authority of such a candidate with respect to the election.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(49)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The aforementioned case illustrates that one cannot be deemed to be an agent merely by association but that there must be proof to demonstrate that there was some arrangement or agreement between the alleged agent and the principal.  There are rules that govern agency in both systems of law. Thus, an agent who goes “beyond the scope of his authority” cannot bind the principal. The concept of scope of authority exists in both systems.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(50)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The law of agency is of general application in all fields of law. It is one and not different in different areas of the law. It is all a question of fact whether there is or there is no agency in a particular situation. There is merit in the decision of the court that agency should be the civil law of agency of Seychelles for no other reason that the Code is explicit on the subject-matter. There is virtue in it and no heresy. A loose interpretation of it may end up by making those who are defendants today plaintiffs tomorrow. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(51)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In Seychelles, a small community of about 95,000 souls, where everyone virtually knows everyone else, any relaxation of the classical law of agency, if applied in the election cases, would end up by having virtually everybody the agent of everybody else. Learned counsel referred to, inter alia, the cases of <b>Wakefield Case XVII(1874) 2 O’M&amp;H 100, Barnstaply Case (1874)  2 O’M&amp;H 105, Tauton Case (1874) 2 O’M&amp;H 73 and Ringadoo v Jugnauth [supra]. </b> All we need to say is that those decisions were valid for those places and those times and elections are hyperactive exercises and generate considerable passion from all sides. A realistic view should be taken of the fact that elections are no longer what they used to be before. The characteristics of the jurisdiction should be taken into account. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(52)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The realistic view is well expressed in <b>Erlam &amp; Ors v Rahman and Anor M/350/14</b>:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“a distinction should be made between the candidate’s team of supporters, canvassers and those whole unconnected members who may support and engage in unsolicited acts of corrupt or illegal practice.”  </span></span></i>  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(53)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the application of civil or criminal sanction in electoral law, what the law requires is the existence of a nexus between the candidate and the alleged agent. The operative nexus would be satisfied where, no matter whether it is an official relationship, a party relationship or a personal relationship, the candidate has knowledge of the misdeed of the other, consents to it or gives his approval for its commission. In this jurisdiction, where the sense of community living is quite strong, some have party allegiances, some party identity, some have historical ties with party. Some have personal allegiances, family ties, personal friendships and common interests and philosophy. The dishonest nexus between the alleged agent of the illegal practice and the candidate must be shown. That nexus will be satisfied if no matter what that relationship is, the candidate has knowledge of the malpractice, consents to it or gives his approval for it. The reference to Seychelles law of agency should be understood in the sense it was meant in the context. To use the digital language, the author and the candidate should in the first place connect. Without the connection there cannot be agency. The connection may be implied by facts and circumstances with regard to the degree of knowledge, consent or approval, express or implied that was given but there should be the connection. Only he is unseated in a democratic election who obtains it by corrupt means. The mischief is in the corruption that connects.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(54)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Kalence V Muknshya &amp; Electoral Commission of Zambia &amp; Attorney General [2013] ZMSC 27,</b> the Court held that the election of a candidate as a member of the National Assembly shall be void where it can be shown that any corrupt practice or illegal practice was committed in connection with the election by or with the knowledge and consent or approval of the candidate or of his election agent or of his polling agents. If unknown to the prospective candidate and without his/her consent, that certain members of the public who support his/her party are engaging in corrupt or illegal practices to ensure his/her party wins the election, those supporters should not, in law, be deemed to be his agents:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> “The mere interferences on the candidate’s part with persons who, feeling interested in the candidates success, any act in support of his campaign is not sufficient to saddle he candidate with any unlawful acts of theirs of which the candidate and his election agents are ignorant.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(55)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the absence of authorization or ratification of the candidate, there must be evidence that the agent was acting on behalf of the candidate or that the candidate put himself in the agents’ hands or to have made common measure with him for the purpose of promoting the candidates election.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(56)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The scope of the agent’s mandate is another important factor. The rule is that acts done by the agent outside the scope of their authority cannot bind the principal.  At <b>paragraph 619 of Halsbury’s of England Volume 15, 4<sup>th</sup> Edition,</b> we read a “voluntary canvasser who canvasses without authority is not an agent.”</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(57)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We hold, therefore, that Seychelles law on agency, albeit in the Seychelles Civil Code, which applies in electoral law is not in any way different from what obtains in other jurisdictions. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 2</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">AFFECTING THE RESULTS OF THE ELECTION</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(58)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">With this, we come to the view taken by the learned Judges that even if some illegal practices had occurred, those illegal acts did not have the effect of impacting on the final result for the purpose of voiding the election. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(59)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The law on this matter is found in section 44(7)(a) of the Act. We have referred to this earlier. However, we reproduce the relevant part for convenient readability: </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The Constitutional Court may declare that an election … is void if the Court is satisfied –</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:132px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(a)           </span></span></i><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">That there was a non-compliance with this Act relating to the election…and the non-compliance affected the result of the election or the nomination;</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:132px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:132px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(b)           </span></span></i><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">That an illegal practice was committed in connection with the election by or with the knowledge and consent or approval of the candidate or by or with the knowledge and consent or approval of any of the agents of the candidate.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(60)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">As can be seen, section 47(1)(a) requires proof of two elements: <i>non compliance</i> with the Act is one and non compliance <i>affecting the result of the election</i> is another. On the other hand, section 47(1)(a) lacks that linking between illegal act and the results of the election. However, it is also worth noting that illegal act <i>per se</i> may not lead to the election being annulled. The illegal act is linked to the issue of “<i>knowledge and consent or approval of the candidate or by or with the knowledge and consent or approval of any of the agents of the candidate.” </i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(61)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The legislator was aiming not at the illegal act itself but at the crucial question whether the candidate had caused himself to be elected by illegal and corrupt means. That makes complete sense since those who are the representative of the people who happen to get themselves elected by dishonesty may not benefit from the fruits of their poisoned tree. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(62)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In this particular case, the Appellant was engaging his legal battle under two fronts: section 47(1)(a) and section 47(1)(b). Under 47(1)(a) non compliance with the Act is one element and how it affected the result is another. Under section 47(1)(b), illegal act is one element and the candidate’s knowledge is another element. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(63)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">With regard to non compliance, we read from <b>Halsbury’s Laws of England (4th Edition, Volume 15 at paragraph 581)</b>, that an election should not be declared invalid by reason of any act or omission by the returning officer or any other person in breach of his official duty in connection with the election or otherwise of the appropriate elections rules if it appears to the tribunal, having cognizance of the question that the election was conducted substantially in accordance with the law as to the elections and that the act or omission did not affect the result.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(64)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We adopt that proposition of law as far as the interpretation of sections 47(1)(a) is concerned. It is axiomatic that the matter should be guided by the principle of proportionality. The consequence should be commensurate with the act or omission as a basic fairness dictates. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(65)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Now with regard to the operation of section 47(1)(b), the question to ask is whether Respondent No. 2 had knowledge of, gave his consent to or signified his approval of, the illegal acts. If he had, his election should be declared null and void. If he did not have knowledge of what the alleged agents were doing and that they were acting of their own accord, out of zeal, self-interest or other motive, liability cannot be imputed to Respondent No. 2. Any suggestion of absolute liability is dispelled by the existence of a subjective element written in the law: i.e. that the candidate should have the necessary knowledge, give his consent or signify his approval. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(66)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In this particular case, the illegal acts which the Constitutional Court found had been committed were few and far between. Of the number of election centres, doubts – unreasonable ones – were raised only on a couple of them. They were not a generalized nature. None happened to be grave and serious nature in the sense that none was of a corrupt nature within the meaning of the Act. Nor were they prevalent. In other words, the election was substantially free and fair as a whole, in compliance with the Act to an appreciable degree.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(67)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court was not satisfied as it was incumbent upon them to do under section 46(1) (b) for the issue of a Certificate to the Electoral Commissioner to that effect. That conclusion survives our scrutiny. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(68)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">It is to be noted that the principle of proportionality which should obtain between the act or omission and the consequences that flow from the act or omission is inbuilt in the Elections Act. Section 45 provides:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">                        <i>“4) Where it appears to the Constitutional Court on an Election Petition –</i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(a)        that an act or omission of a candidate or the agent of a candidate or any other person, which, but for this section, would be an illegal practice under this Act, has been done or made in good faith through inadvertence or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause of a like nature; or</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(b)        that upon taking into account all the relevant circumstances it would be just that the candidate, agent of the candidate or the other person should not be subject to an of the consequences under this Act or such act or omission.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(69)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">That section has been applied in the case of the Appellant himself: see <b>Wavel v Electoral Commissioner &amp; Ors (No. 1) 16 August 2016.</b> The Court is empowered to make an order allowing the act or omission which would otherwise be an illegal practice under this Act, to be an exception to this Act and the candidate, agent or other person shall not be subject to the consequences under this Act. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(70)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the recent Ugandan case of <b>Amama Mbabazi V Yoweri Kaguta Museveni And Others, Election Petition No 1 Of 2016,</b> the court decided that there was not enough substantial evidence of irregularities in the election, or that the irregularities would have affected the result.  Similarly, in  <b>Odinga v Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission &amp; Ors [supra], </b>the Court commented that:<b> </b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“Where a party alleges non-conformity with the electoral law, the petitioner must not only prove that there had been non-compliance with the law, but that such failure of compliance had not affected the validity of the elections.  This emerged from a long-standing common law approach in respect of alleged irregularity in the acts of public bodies.  Therefore the petitioner must have set out his petition by raising firm and credible evidence of the public authority’s departures from the prescriptions of the law.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(71)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are unable to see the cause and effect in the type of non compliance and the final result. There is no merit in Ground 2. It is dismissed.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">GROUND 3</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:95px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-7.1pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">REGISTERS</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:95px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-7.1pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(72)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Under Ground 3, the non-compliance with Elections Act made by the Appellant related to the unsatisfactory state of some of the Electoral Registers. Learned counsel submitted that the Constitutional Court erred in not ordering a recount of all votes from all polling stations on account of the unsatisfactory maintenance of the Registers. They were not reconciled with one another, despite discrepancies on names which had been crossed and some names not crossed. It was the contention of the Appellant that there was accordingly a non-compliance with the section 25(1)(b)(iii) of the Elections Act which requires the marking of the register as well as section 29(1)(c) and (e) of the Elections Act which requires that at the end of the polling all the Registers should be sealed. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(73)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Section 25(1)(b)(iii) reads: </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“the Electoral Officer … shall place a mark against the name of the person on the copy of the register of voters to denote that a ballot paper in respect of the election has been delivered; …”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">And section 29(1)(c) reads:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The Electoral Officer shall, as soon as practicable, after each ballot box is full and in respect of other ballot boxes after the close of the poll, in respect of other ballot boxes after the close of the poll, in the presence of the respective polling agents who wish to attend … mark the copy of the register of voters. </span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(74)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Frankly, we are unable to follow in what was these purely administrative matters which may be useful for collating, if not complied with to the letter as they should have had an impact on the result. If any doubt was envisaged on the matter, it should have been addressed administratively to the Chief Electoral Officer, leaving it to the Electoral officer to make a decision as he saw fit. If the Constitutional Court did not see much in the argument, they were right.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">   </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(75)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Appellant had testified to the effect that he had been provided with three Electoral Registers containing the names of persons entitled to vote in the electoral area of the Inner Islands.  The Respondent No. 1 had informed him that they should be used for marking off all voters who voted on La Digue.  Appellant added that he had been further told by Mr Gappy that the third (more comprehensive) register was drawn from the 2<sup>nd</sup> Register (which was not the one at the door when people came in, but a different register).  Appellant’s case was that he was to discover later that several names had not been transferred from the first Register (i.e.  the one used on Mahe) to the 2<sup>nd</sup> Register (the  main  register  on la  Digue).  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">This meant that a number of persons who voted on Mahe were not crossed off the list on La Digue.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(76)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Registers from the Inner Islands certainly showed several incongruities which could not be explained away by the relevant officers as names were marked off in some registers and not in others with little consistency between the three registers produced.  It was the argument of Mr Georges, therefore, that “the marking only of the Register where a voter presents him or herself leaves the possibility open for voters returning to another table and voting again” and that “there is only one way for these problems to be satisfactorily resolved.  This is to use the electoral register, properly marked, as the base for the tallying of voters who had voted.”  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(77)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We take the view that it is unsafe for a Court to find a complaint proved on a possibility that unauthorized voters had cast votes. Registers of voters are handled by officials and polling agents alike. A reconciliation is not the work of an Electoral Officer. It is that of the polling agents to undertake that task in the proper discharge of their duties.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(78)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In our view, there is no doubt that there is a purpose for which Registers are prepared: for the purpose of recording those who had voted and those who had not. Where they have been well maintained, the sums add up. They give added confidence in the credibility of the electoral process. But the important point to remember is which Register are we comparing with which inasmuch as there is an Official Register and those of the polling agents. As such, the state of completeness or incompleteness of the Registers is flimsy evidence that there was double voting. If anything it will show that polling agents have either not understood or not done their work properly. The crucial question is the prevention of double voting. No person is entitled to be registered in more than one electoral district as per section 5(2) of the Elections Act. If the concern of the Appellant is that one registered voter may have voted twice if his name is not crossed in one, then that is unlikely inasmuch as there was a system indelible dye and invisible spray used to prevent double voting. The Appellant is making a confusion in what really counts in gauging the credibility of the electoral system. The tracing is not in Registers but in the tally sheets.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(79)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the matter of the Parliamentary General elections for the <b>Mumbwa East Constituency; Loongo V Shepande (1983/Hp/Ep/25),</b> an application was made for a recount of votes on the ground that the statutory procedure had not been followed.  The courts had to determine whether on the facts, there had been non-compliance of the provisions of the Electoral Act and if so whether the said non-compliance affected the result of the election.  The evidence of the petitioner’s election agent, who was present at the counting, was that during the counting of ballot papers in the respondent’s tray, he observed a bunch of ballot papers which had been counted twice.  When he queried, the Returning officer ignored him.  The Returning officer admitted in court that there had been discrepancies in the counting.  He attributed this to human error.  The judge ordered a recount on being “satisfied that a case for a recount has been made out.”  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(80)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Akidi S Adong &amp; Anor (Election Petition No.0004 Of 2011) [2011] UGHCCD 8 921 July 2011)</b>, the Petitioner contested for the woman Member of Parliament for Nwoa District which was part of the general election held throughout the Country on the 18<sup>th</sup> February 2011.  Her opponent had been declared the winner for having won by 7,253 votes as against the Petitioner who had obtained 5,522  votes.  The Petitioner contended, among other things, that there had been non-compliance with the electoral laws in force and that there were several electoral offences committed by the successful candidate by herself as well as through her agents with her knowledge, approval and consent.  The Petitioner contented that all those offences and non-compliances affected the results of the election in a substantial manner.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(81)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Court held that the issue of non-compliance affecting the results substantially has to be appraised on proven irregularities.  The Petitioner had failed to prove that there was non-compliance with the electoral laws and that the non-compliance affected the results in a substantial manner. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(82)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The two cases above can be distinguished from one another in that in the first case, the non-compliance related to a core concern of the vote count. In the second case, the non compliance related to a matter collateral to the vote count. There was evidence in the former and no convincing evidence in the latter.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(83)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Reference is made to the case of <b>Raila Odinga v The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission &amp; Ors [2013 EKLR which </b>held that:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The conduct of the presidential election was not perfect, even though the election had been of the greatest interest to the Kenyan people who had voluntarily voted.  Although there were many irregularities in the date and information capture during the registration process, they were not so substantial as to affect the credibility of the electoral process and besides, no credible evidence had been adduced to show that such irregularities were premeditated and introduced by the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent, for the purpose of causing prejudice to any particular candidate.” </span></span></i><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(see also</span></span></b><i> </i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> <b>Mumbwa East Constituency; Loongo V Shepande (1983/Hp/Ep/25).</b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(84)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In our view, Chief Justice Twomey, with whom the other judges agreed, put it succinctly:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“the failure to reconcile the registers is not a form of non-compliance with the law as there is not law requiring that the registers be reconciled in the first place.  However, they do need to be sealed and placed in the care of the Chief Electoral Officer as required by the Act.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i> </i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(85)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Opitz V. Wrzesnewskyj 2012 Scc 55, [2012] 3 S.C.R. 76</b>, the Canadian Supreme Court stated:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The practical realities of election administration are such that imperfections in the conduct of elections are inevitable…A federal election is only possible with the work of thousands of Canadians who are hired across the country for a period of a few days or, in many cases, a single 14-hour day.  These workers perform many detailed tasks under difficult conditions.  They are required to apply multiple rules in a setting that is unfamiliar.  Because elections are not everyday occurrences it is difficult to see how workers could get practical on-the-job experience…The current system of electoral administration in Canada is not designed to achieve perfection, but to come as close to the ideal of enfranchising all entitled voters as possible.  Since they system and the Act are not designed for certainty alone, courts cannot demand perfect certainty.  Rather, courts must be concerned with the integrity of the electoral system. This overarching concern informs our interpretation of the phrase “irregularities… that affected the result.”</span></span></i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> (p. 198 per Rothstein and Moldaver JJ).</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(86)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> Seychelles is not geographically as expansive as Canada. But the hundreds of Seychellois hired for the few days, the detailed work entrusted upon them for the long hours, the stressful condition in which they work where each activity carries a legal meaning is unfamiliar to them. Most of them have had little or no training on or outside a job that comes to them only once every five years. The Electoral Office itself is under tremendous pressure with each one trying to keep his head where many are near losing theirs. If the current system of Canada was not designed to achieve perfection, <i>a fortiori</i> Seychelles, just learning to get into grips with the multi-party system introduced in 1992. Be that as it may a realistic view should be taken of ensuring that progressively this near perfection is achieved.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(87)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Rtd. Col. Dr Kizza Besigye v Electoral Commission, Yoweri Kaguta Mueveni [2007] UGSC 24, </b>the Court held:<b> </b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:113px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">1.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">It was not proved to the satisfaction of the Court, that the failure to comply with the provisions and principles laid down in the Elections Acts and the Constitution, affected the results of the Presidential election in a substantial manner.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:113px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">2.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The fact that these malpractices were proved to have occurred is not enough. The petitioner had to go further and prove their extent, degree, and the substantial effect they had on the election.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(88)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case in hand, the soundness of the reasoning and the conclusion of the learned Judges cannot be impeached, all the more so when the evidence on record portrayed that the focus was on registers rather than on the tally sheets. The few administrative lapses and the reprehensible conduct of the few individuals who were found to have committed illegal practice by the Constitutional Court could not reasonably be said to have corrupted the stream of the electoral process to such a degree that the election should be annulled. The core process that can be regarded as material are: the credibility of the Registration Process; the timely and public issue of Notices; the opportunity given to electors to make up their minds; the transparency in what takes place for the procedure for voting at the polling centres; the confidentiality in the elector casting his vote; the inviolability of the ballot boxes between the start of voting and the start of the counting; the tally in the ballots issued and the ballots counted etc.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">GROUND 4</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:95px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-7.1pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">THE SHIFTING OF THE BURDEN OF PROOF</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(89)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We now turn to address the issue of proof and shifting burden of proof.  The rule bears no repetition that in the trial of the civil matter the burden of proof is on the plaintiff or the petitioner, i.e. the party who brings the lawsuit. It rests upon him to show by a “preponderance of evidence” or “weight of evidence” that “all the facts necessary to obtain a judgment are probable true.” In civil cases, the onus is on he who alleges to both aver and prove his allegation. The defendant has nothing to prove unless he is required to do so under any provision of law. In the event that the defendant has a counter claim, then the burden of proof lies on the defendant in relation to the counter-claim.  There are numerous cases across jurisdictions that have adopted this rule of the common law system for generations.  In hybrid systems, the rule has remained the same where the procedure is adversarial. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(90)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Joseph Constantine Steamship Line Limted V Imperial Smleting Corporation (1942) AC 154,</b> it was held that the burden of proving their claim was upon the claimant, and this burden, they had failed to discharge with the result that the claim had to be dismissed.  This rule has continued to apply in election petitions. Thus, in the case of <b>Opitz vs Wrzesnewskyj  (2012) SCC 55-2012-10-56,</b> it was held that an applicant who seeks to annul an election bears the legal proof throughout.  In the Ugandan case of<b> Col. Dr. Kizza Besigye vs Museveni Yoweri Kaguta And Electoral Commission (2001) UGSC,</b> it was held that the burden of proof in electoral petitions as in other civil cases is settled, it lies on the petitioner to prove his case to the satisfaction of the court.  In the Zambian case of <b>Khalid Mohamed V Attorney General (1983) ZR49</b>, we read:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“A plaintiff must prove his case and if he fails to do so, the mere failure of the opponents” defence does not entitle him judgement.    I would not accept a proposition that even if a plaintiff’s case has collapsed of its inertia or some reason or other, judgment should nevertheless be given to him on that the defence set up by the opponent has also collapsed.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(91)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Nigerian Supreme Court in the case of <b>Buhavi Vs Obsanjo (2005) CLR 7K,</b> stated <i>as follows:</i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“He who asserts is required to prove such fact by adducing credible evidence.  If the party fails to do so, its case will fail. On the other hand, if the party succeeds in adducing evidence to prove the pleaded facts, it is said to have discharged the burden of proof that rests on it.  The burden is then said to have shifted to the party’s adversary to prove that the fact established b the evidence adduced could not on the preponderance of the evidence result in the Court giving judgment in favour of the party”.</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(92)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In our case, the Constitutional Court applied the rule that he who alleges proves. However, it was the contention of learned counsel that all that he was expected to do was to bring such facts as were within the knowledge of Appellant and thereafter, the burden shifted upon the Respondents to show that there was no illegal practice. The Constitutional Court did not accept that proposition of law. It decided that the burden of proof did not shift  on to the second Respondent to rebut the allegations. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(93)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We would agree with the Constitutional Court for the reasons they gave. From our part, we would add the following. The way the law is worded provides the clue to what proof is needed and on whom rests the onus of anything at all. If the provision of the law is worded in such a way that the elements are indicated therein, then he who alleges needs to both aver and prove all those elements. The other party has nothing to prove. On the other hand, if the provision of the law is worded in such a way that a defence is specifically inbuilt in the section itself or that the defence is provided outside the section, then the burden shifts upon the defence to come up with the elements of exculpation.  An actual example in both situations would be apposite. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(94)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">An illustration where a defence is inbuilt in the very section would be section 51(1)(f) which reads: “A person who, without due authorization, supplies a ballot paper to any person is guilty of an offence.” In such a case, the plaintiff still bears the burden of proving that the defendant had no authority. At that time, the burden shifts upon the defendant to show that he had <i>“due authority.”</i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(95)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">An illustration where the defence is built outside the section of the law is section 45(4) where the illegal practice is found at section 51 but the defence at section 45(4): namely that the illegal act was committed <i>“in good faith through inadvertence or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable case of a like nature.”</i>   That is the standard rule. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(96)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are not permitted to read or write into section 45(1) something which it does not contain either expressly or impliedly. Section 45(1) provides that “the trial of an election petition shall, subject to this Act, be held in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original civil jurisdiction. The legislator did not intend that the burden should shift on the defendant at any stage in an election petition. Section 51(3) (a), (b), or (c) does not contain any such defence either inbuilt in it or outside it, other than what we have just stated. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(97)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Learned Counsel argued that surely all that a petitioner needs to do is to establish all the material facts and then the burden should shift upon the defendant to come up with facts within his knowledge for the purpose of exonerating himself. That proposition which is one of <i>Res Ipsa Loquitor</i> (the facts speak for themselves) does exist but it is applied in limited number of cases in the law of evidence. If a shopper slips and falls in a Supermarket on a spilled Yoghurt, the shopper has nothing more to do than to bring the evidence that she slipped and fell down in the course of doing her shopping. It is then that the evidential burden shifts upon the Supermarket to show that they were not negligent, that their system of health and safety is such that the moment there is a spill on the floor, the attendants clear it within a reasonable time. The facts on which <i>Res Ipsa Loquitur</i> applies relate to an abnormal happening in a normal situation. If a bag of flour falls from a loft upon someone walking in, he may not be expected to do more than adduce evidence of his presence and the fall inasmuch as in the normal course of things, bags do not fall from lofts; if it does, it must be due to the negligence of someone: see <b><i><span style="background:white"><span style="color:#252525">Byrne v Boadle</span></span></i></b> <span style="background:white"><span style="color:#252525">(2 Hurl. &amp; Colt. 722, 159 Eng. Rep. 299, 1863). </span></span>In an election case, the abnormality should be shown for the burden to shift. While it is important that the justice system should encourage litigants to come to court to prove electoral malpractices, courts should bear in mind the statement made in <b>Jugnauth v Ringadoo [supra] </b>that litigants who did not make it at the polls may wish to try their luck through Court.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(98)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We hold, accordingly, that the burden of proof lies solely on the Appellant to prove that there were illegal practices committed in connection with the election and that the Constitutional Court did not err in keeping to the classical application of burden of proof and standard of proof. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(99)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">With the above, we come to the standard of proof, burden of proof and the shifting of the evidential burden of proof in the civil cases brought under the Elections Act. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(100)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We acknowledge that there is some Commonwealth jurisprudence on the question that the standard of proof should be higher than the standard of balance of probabilities obtaining in civil cases but lesser than the proof beyond reasonable doubt obtaining in the criminal cases. These cases apply the intermediate standard of proof. One of such cases is <b>Lewanika And Others V Chiluba [1998] ZMSC 11 </b>where the petitioners had alleged that there was bribery, fraud and other electoral irregularities by the Respondent in a presidential election in Zambia and sought its nullification.  Ngulube, CJ, giving the judgment of the court, stated:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“… we wish to assert that it cannot be seriously disputed that parliamentary election petitions have generally long required to be proved to a standard higher that on a mere balance of probability”.</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(101)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">It is clear that according to the case of <b>Lewanika and Others v. Chiluba,</b> the Supreme Court reaffirmed the standard of proof needed in an electoral petition being somewhere between the civil standard, balance of probabilities and the criminal standard of beyond reasonable doubt. The reasoning behind was that, it would be a great injustice to bar a candidate from voting for five years and from contesting elections for that period only on the basis of the standard of balance of probabilities.  When the consequences of evidence would result in serious impairment of one’s constitution rights, the interests of justice demand that a higher standard of proof be adhered to. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(102)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The test used in Zambia is also used in Kenya.  In the Kenyan case of <b>Sarah Mwangudza Kai V Mustafa Id Salim 7 Two Others Malindi Election Petition No.8 Of 2013</b>, the following regarding the special nature of election petitions was stated:-</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“Election petitions are not like ordinary civil suits.  They are unique in many ways.  Besides the fact the they are governed by a special code of electoral laws, they concern disputes which revolve around the conduct of elections in which voters exercise their political rights enshrined under Article 38 of the Constitution  This means that electoral disputes involve not only the parties to the Petition but also the electorate I the electoral area concerned.  It is therefore obvious that they are matters of great public importance and the public interest in their resolution cannot be overemphasized.  And because of this peculiar nature of election petitions, the law requires hat they be proved on a higher standard of proof than the one required proving ordinary civil cases.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(103)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Similarly in the case of <b>Joho V Nyange &amp; Anor (2008) 3 KLR (EP) 500</b>, Maraga J, as he then was, expounded on this principle and explained why election petitions are matters of great public importance and should not be taken lightly.  He expressed himself in the following terms:-</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“Election Petitions are no ordinary suits.  Though they are disputes in rem (?) fought between certain parties, election petitions are nonetheless disputes of great public importance <b>KIBAKI v MOI, Civil Appeal No. 172 of 1988</b>.  This is because when elections are successfully challenged, by-elections court’s decision in <b>Wanguhu Nganga &amp; Anor v Geroge Owite &amp; Anor, Election Petition No. 41 of 1993</b> that “Election Petitions should not be taken lightly.</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(104)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Supreme Court after reviewing several local and foreign decisions on this matter settled the law in Kenya in <b>Odinga v Independent Electoral And Boundaries Commission And Others [2013] EKLR</b> to the effect that:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“… the threshold of proof should, in principle, be above the balance of probability, though not as high as beyond reasonable doubt – save that this would not affect the normal standards where criminal charges linked to an election, are in question.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(105)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Jugnauth v Ringadoo</b> [2007 PRV 58] the Law Lords of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council were categorical.  <i>“The courts must simply be satisfied on a balance of probability.”</i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(106)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> In our view, it would not be right for our jurisdiction to import by judicial legislation a standard slightly higher than that of a balance of probabilities in electoral petitions brought before the court. True it is that annulment of an election is a serious matter but an election is not voided in Seychelles law on the mere occurrence of illegal acts or omissions of compliance. Our Courts need to be satisfied from the facts that the ultimate measure is warranted. Illegal practice by itself is no ground for the avoidance of an election of someone democratically elected. It should be shown that the illegal practices have been so grave, so serious, so widespread that it cannot be said to have been democratic. On the face of it, an election may look democratic but there may be a latent flaw which may impact upon the final outcome by a serious doubt raised in it. In our law, illegal acts may not lead to the nullity of the election of the candidate in question. But once a candidate has knowledge of the illegal practice, once he has given his consent to it and once he has given his approval, he is a corrupt man at the top. Such a corrupt man may not find his seat in Parliament. His election is a fraud and void. If the standard is raised high in civil petitions which has only civil remedies and limited to cases only where the corrupt man is elected, then we are adding unnecessary hurdles in a democratic process. The answer in our view does not lie in changing the rule but ensuring that the rule is properly applied having regard to the principle of proportionality. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(107)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">An election is not voided unless the petitioner shows on a balance of probabilities that it is so multiple, so serious, so prevalent and widespread that it cannot be said that it is by and large or substantially in order.  On the other hand, if there are illegal practices which have occurred in places and times which are few and far between, an election cannot be voided. Those culpable need to pay the penalty prescribed in the civil action. If an analogy is needed, we would use the one which has been used by the Supreme Court of India. The electoral stream should be kept pure. If it is corrupted at the very source, the source should be cut. The source will be corrupted if the candidate has knowledge of the illegal practice and he gives his consent or approval thereto. On the other hand, if it is not the source that is corrupted but the pollution lies in some tributaries which are few are far between, then those tributaries only should be cut to stop supply. On the other hand, if the pollution is so prevalent in most of the tributaries, then it makes sense that the stream itself is to be cut for supply. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(108)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Having dealt with the laws to agency (Ground 1), affecting the result (Grounds 2),  marking of Registers (Grounds 3), burden and standard of proof (Grounds 4). We shall now move to the application of the above to the facts of this case under Grounds 5 to 13. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">THE FACTS</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(109)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court found that the Appellant had fallen short of proof that there was anything unlawful in the conduct of Mr Rene and Mr Pillay, Dana Valentin and Flossel Francois, Etihad Airways, Mrs Beryl Botsoie, SPDF Officers, James Lesperance, Dolor Ernesta and Indian Ocean Tuna which breached the Elections Act. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(110)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We shall consider them in the order in which they have been raised. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">GROUNDS 5 &amp; 6</span></b></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr Rene and Mr Pillay</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(111)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">It is the contention of learned counsel for the appellant under Grounds 5 and 6 that the Constitutional Court erred in its judgment in not finding that Mr Réné was an agent of the second Respondent on the basis of evidence adduced that he had been the predecessor of the second Respondent as President; that he belonged to the same party and had appeared for the second Respondent in political broadcasts of the second Respondent during the election .All of these factors rendered the possibility that Mr Rene was either the agent of the second Respondent’s knowledge, more probable than not.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(112)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">He also contends that the Constitutional Court erred in its finding that Mr Réné  not been proved to have asked Mr Pillay to vote for the second Respondent in that such a requirement is not a necessary element of the offence.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(113)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We have stated at paragraph 71 above that agency should be made of sterner stuff than inferred from historical, personal, social or political association. That is the jurisprudence in all democratic jurisdictions we have considered. When a committed election supporter is canvassing support of one person in favour of a candidate, it is not always that he reveals his method to the candidate upfront. In many cases, he would do so after he has succeeded. There is in law a lack of a nexus of agency to link Mr Réné with Respondent No. 2.  Agency may not be presumed from ambiguous and equivocal facts but from facts which have probative weight: </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:95px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-7.1pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“a defaut de circonstances clairement indicatives ou de ces relations particulierement probantes, le mandat ne saurait se presumer.”</span></span></i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> <b>Encycl.</b> Civil, <b>Dalloz. Mandat, para 86.</b>  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(114)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The fact that Mr Rene belonged to the same party as the second respondent does not in itself make him an agent.  The same is to be said for Mr David Savy.  From the fact that Mrs Beryl Botsoie and Lt. Col. Roseline are government employees, one cannot safely assume that because of their position in these government institutions, they were agents of the Second Respondent. The Constitutional Court was cautious in not opening the net so wide for this case or cases for the future. Positions and ties do not make an agent. At <b>Paragraph 622 of Halsbury’s Law of England</b> we read: </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:95px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The mere fact that the alleged agent is a brother of the candidate or the partner or son of an authorized agent is not sufficient to establish agency.  A confidential employee, even though active in the election, is not necessarily an agent.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(115)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">On the facts, we are unable to disturb the finding of fact of the trial Court that evidence of illegal practice in the conversation between Mr Pillay and Mr Rene was pauce. There is no merit in the argument of the Appellant in this instance. We dismiss it. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 7</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">The case of Dana Valentin and Flossel Francois</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(116)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of Dana Valentin and Flossel Francois, the Appellant had averred that Dana Valentin had secured the release of her companion Flossel Francois in breach of section 51(3)(c) of the Elections Act which provides that a person commits an illegal practice where the person-</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:95px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“Directly or indirectly, by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, makes any gift, loan, offer, promise, procurement, or agreement referred to in paragraph (b) to or for any person in order to induce such person to procure or to endeavor to procure the vote of a voter at an election.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(117)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Evidence had been led to the effect that Dania Valentin who was a supporter of Mr Patrick Pillay shifted her allegiance to the President when the Petition of Presidential Pardon made by her companion Flossel Francois was granted for the latter’s release from prison.  However, any suggestion of illegal practice was rebutted by evidence that there is a set procedure which must be followed for the exercise by the President of Presidential Pardon and on specified grounds. Mr Flossel Francois was released from prison in accordance with the law and on the strength of the Recommendation received from the Advisory Committee on pardons. It was on medical ground as he had a heart condition.  The Appellant had admitted in his evidence that Mr Francois had a heart condition.  The fact that there had been only two other Presidential Pardons which had been granted the previous year, one in June 2015 and another after the election in December 2015 cannot lead to the conclusion that in this case that Respondent No. 2 had committed an illegal practice by discharging his statutory duty under the law. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(118)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The deposition of Tony Dubignon, a former prison inmate, was that he also had a serious heart condition and had applied for 4 Presidential pardons, none of which had been successful.  He was ultimately released from prison on a licence to receive treatment in Chennai because his condition reached a critical state. Evidence was led by Mr Hoareau through the cross-examination of the Appellant that the President does not act on his own in the matter. He is only advised by the Board of an Advisory Committee, which on receiving such applications, examine the application and makes Recommendations on which the President acts. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(119)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Any conclusion that Respondent No. 2 had committed an act of illegal practice by granting the Presidential Pardon as a result of which Mrs. Valentin had shifted her allegiance from the party of Appellant to that of Respondent no. 2 is unsafe. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(120)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Section 51(3)(c) is intended to cover such cases where the first move – whether direct or indirect – is made by the defendant whose acts are called into question. It is not meant to cover such cases where an application is made by a citizen in the normal course of things and the process follows the prescribed course towards a prescribed result. Government does not stop functioning during an election campaign. Nor should it be inhibited from functioning normally when it comes to serving the people for the purpose for which it is elected. The section applies to situations where it is the <u>defendant</u> who “directly or indirectly makes” the impugned move and not where a citizen uses a set procedure to claim a benefit due and follows the correct procedure to obtain the prescribed benefit. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(121)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The finding of the Constitutional Court cannot be disturbed on this aspect of the case.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 8</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">Etihad Airways </span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(122)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">This ground has been abandoned. It is accordingly dismissed for want of prosecution. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 9</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">Mrs Beryl Botsoie</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(123)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr Bernard Georges submitted under Ground 9 that the Constitutional Court erred in its judgment in not finding that Mrs Beryl Botsoie was an agent of the second Respondent, ignoring that Mrs Botsoie was both a head teacher in the government of the second Respondent and his polling agent in an electoral area.  These factors rendered it more probable than not that Mrs Bosoie was an agent of the second Respondent, or at least that he had knowledge of her actions.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(124)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We have addressed this matter above. The same reasoning apples as has been applied in Ground 5 and 6 above. If the nexus rule is not applied, all active public servants would become the agents of out-going governments. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 10</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">SPDF Officers</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(125)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">It is the case of Appellant under Ground 10, that the constitutional Court erred in paragraph 458 of its judgment in not finding that at least Lt Col Roseline was an agent of the second Respondent, or that the second Respondent had knowledge of what Lt Col. Roseline was doing, in that Lt Col Roseline was proved to be the Military Adviser of the Second Respondent, their Commander in Chief.  These factors rendered it more probable than not that all three officers were agents of the second Respondent, or at least that he had knowledge of their actions.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(126)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">For the same reasoning as under Grounds 5, 6 and 9, we are unable to disturb the finding of fact of the Constitutional Court. Many there are in an election who act on their own accord, out of faith, out of choice, out of conviction, out of liking, out of passion, out of common cause or simply out of  self interest. In many situations, the one who should have known is the last to know. In law, inferences drawn should be reasonably drawn from solid facts and not from perceptions.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are unable to see any merit in Ground 10 and it is dismissed. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 11</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">James Lesperance</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(127)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">It is the contention of the Appellant that the Constitutional Court erred in not finding that Mr James Lesperance was an agent of the second Respondent, or had been acting with the knowledge of the second Respondent or his agents, in that the coincidence of Mr Lesperance’s presence as a front-line guest at the inauguration of the second Respondent, in the absence of an innocent explanation therefor, rendered proof of agency or knowledge of his actions more probable than not.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(128)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are of the view that we shall be putting 2 and 2 to make it 22 instead of 4 if we subscribed to the conclusion that an inference of agency can be inferred from a front seat given to or taken by someone at a State ceremony. It would have been more probable if he had been given or assumed a prominent position among the hosts rather than among the guests.    </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 12 </span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">The case of Dolor Ernesta</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(129)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">With regard to the case of Dolor Ernesta, the Appellant had averred that Dolor Ernesta had “kidnapped Marie-There Dine, a blind octogenarian” to take her to the voting booth.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(130)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are unable to see any evidence from which to draw the conclusion that the old blind lady was forced to vote against her will.  Evidence adduced in the court below shows that there was a legitimate exercise that was been carried out in that such facility had to be afforded, including transportation, to the elderly at various polling stations in accordance with section 25(3) of the Act. The averment that the blind old lady was unwashed, uncombed and wearing a dress that was inside out, if anything, shows an authentic picture of taking an elderly to the voting booth, all the more when she is blind. The voter as she is found for the purpose of the exercise of her right to vote. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(131)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The finding and conclusion of the Constitutional Court cannot be disturbed in her case either.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 13 </span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">The case of Indian Ocean Tuna (IOT)</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(132)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">With regard to the case of Indian Ocean Tuna (IOT), the facts were as follows. The Principal Secretary of the Ministry of Finance, Trade and the Blue Economy wrote the General Manager of Indian Ocean Tuna Limited, a company in which the government is a share holder to announce that the government would pay all Seychellois employees of the company earning less that SR15, 000 a month a thirteenth month salary. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(133)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">This in the view of the Appellant was caught by section 51(3)(c) whereby Respondent No. 2 had indirectly through the Principal Secretary of the Ministry of Finance, Trade and the Blue Economy and the Indian Ocean Tuna Limited induced them to vote for him.<i> </i>The documentary evidence produced by the Appellant bears out the fact that the payment of a thirteenth month salary had been made.  It also transpired from the evidence that the salary of the Seychellois workers at the Indian Ocean Tuna company was an economic issue which had to be resolved as a matter of policy, so much so that the Appellant himself had made that offer to the workers. What the government of Respondent No. 2 had decided, as far back as June 2015 is to take the cue.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(134)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The learned Judges decided that the thirteenth month salary was a <i>fait accompli</i>, that the matter was very much in the public arena as it had been Gazetted in November 2015 and that the workers were in a win-win situation regardless of who won the presidential elections.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(135)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We agree with the conclusion reached on the matter. The facts do not suggest the commission of an illegal act within the meaning of section 51(3) of the Elections Act.  It cannot be said that the workers were thereby <u>induced</u> to vote for Respondent No. 2. In law, a pro-active government policy decision cannot be said to be an illegal act. Since the issue that been announced by the Appellant himself and implemented by the Respondent no. 2, it is difficult to say who got the credit for same in the ballot box. There were no witness for the Appellant who came forth to give evidence that at any one time Respondent No. 2 reached them to invite them to vote for him for that decision of policy. Unlike in the case of <b>Jugnauth v. Ringadoo</b>, the Minister had met the specific group of Muslims to induce them to vote for him for the policy decision taken by government. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">CONCLUSION</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(136)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In conclusion, we hold that the Constitutional Court did not err in applying Seychelles law as to agency for the determination of the relationship between the alleged agents and Respondent No. 2 on whether or not the latter had committed illegal acts; that the impugned non compliance with electoral law were insufficient for a declaration that the election should have been voided or that a recount was called for; that the few illegal practices that were not found proved were not by themselves or by other attendant circumstances of such a nature as to go to the very root of the election so as to render it void; that the burden and the standard of proof was properly applied in the case; and that the conclusions on individual cases where the Court found no agency and no illegal practice cannot be impeached. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(137)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">All the grounds raised on this appeal having failed, the appeal is dismissed with Costs. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="JudgmentText" style="text-align:justify; text-indent:-36pt; margin-bottom:16px; margin-left:48px"> </p> <p></p></sdt></span> <p style="margin-bottom:16px; text-align:justify"> </p> </div> <p> </p> <p style="margin-top:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="C55BA9C1C7654EFA895A4F3EE6AC0F40" id="22920305"><listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> S. Domah (J.A)</sdt></span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:24px; margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdtpr></sdtpr><sdt docpart="B6C99C7D42464BB0BC83C201B78790A5" id="4919266" text="t">I concur:.</sdt>                                ………………….                                           </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="02E8333B1E8340CF96981DA638799DDE" id="4919267"><listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> F. MacGregor (PCA)</sdt></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:24px; margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdtpr></sdtpr><sdt docpart="DAEA639D0EAE45919F6667BA68C8C769" id="4919459" text="t">I concur:.</sdt>                                ………………….                                           </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="524399F98DCF4BF592E69555EDEF10C5" id="4919460"><listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> J. Msoffe (J.A)</sdt></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="271074B3FCAA4A3D93C47D24A18953DF" docparttype="Quick Parts" id="8972175" sdtdocpartlist="t">Signed, dated and delivered at Ile du Port on</sdt> <sdt calendar="t" calendartype="Gregorian" date="2016-12-09T00:00:00Z" dateformat="dd MMMM yyyy" docpart="59A9BA75863D45ABB12BB4F3D257A062" id="8972185" lang="EN-GB" maptodatetime="t" xml:lang="EN-GB">09 December 2016</sdt></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-right:-54px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p><span style="page:WordSection1"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="1E8FCCD80AF94DE29707C54092B06D6F"></sdt></span></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p></p></div> </div> <p> </p> </div> <div class="views-element-container"><div class="view view-eva view-download-conditional view-id-download_conditional view-display-id-entity_view_1 js-view-dom-id-559c278bb6fe0bb1fd0182dbd89601268da5161a678eb080027a5c752dbc0b99"> <div><div class="views-field views-field-views-conditional-field"><span class="field-content"><div> <div class="WordSection1"><span style="page:WordSection1"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="1E8FCCD80AF94DE29707C54092B06D6F" id="13542603"> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p></p></sdt></span> <div class="WordSection1"><span style="page:WordSection1"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9140652B8A3C428D9EE69970D5006E03" id="13542603"> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:14.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">IN THE SEYCHELLES COURT OF APPEAL<sdtpr></sdtpr></span></b></span></span></p> <p></p></sdt></span> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p><span style="page:WordSection1"> <sdt docpart="4F7F089D4D9F470BAC8CAE300F1C9DE6" docparttype="Quick Parts" id="13542613" sdtdocpartlist="t"></sdt></span></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:14.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><sdtpr></sdtpr><sdt docpart="DC440F9BCB994811ADDE003ECDD3AC7F" id="13542618" text="t">[Coram:</sdt>  </span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:14.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="61284B988CA141CC9B9AA79D042E5AC1" id="14547387">F. MacGregor (PCA)</sdt><b> </b><sdt combobox="t" docpart="B0EB1A139EFF4E469FC223B356C75E4E" id="15629612"><listitem datavalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue=",S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> ,S. Domah (J.A)</sdt><b> </b><sdt combobox="t" docpart="B4F0199A653643D19FFC45CFAFC118D6" id="15629656"><listitem datavalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue=",F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue=",S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue=",A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue=",M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue=",J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> ,J. Msoffe (J.A)</sdt><b>]</b></span></span></span></p> <p></p> <p align="center" style="margin-top:16px; text-align:center"><span style="page:WordSection1"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:14.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><sdt docpart="9140652B8A3C428D9EE69970D5006E03" id="14547297">Constitutional Appeal SCA CP</sdt> 1<sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="9140652B8A3C428D9EE69970D5006E03" id="14547301">/20</sdt>16 (c)</span></b></span></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; text-align:center"><span style="page:WordSection1"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:14.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="0C134D972EC74F168788199C77496CCF" id="15629594"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">(Appeal from Constitutional Court Decision</span></sdt> </span></b><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">CP 7/2015 &amp; CP 1/2016) </span></b></span></span></span></p> <div style="border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt; padding:0cm 0cm 5.0pt 0cm"> <p align="center" style="border:none; text-align:center; padding:0cm"> </p> </div> <table class="MsoTableGrid" style="border-collapse:collapse; border:none"> <tbody> <tr> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="page:WordSection1"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">Wavel John Charles Ramkalawan</span></span></span></span></p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:58px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="page:WordSection1"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="tab-stops:132.45pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">                                            Appellant</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; text-align:center"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:58px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"><span style="page:WordSection1"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="E9655F5E6D9F4FAA856CEA3AF5B6FD86" id="15629672"> <p align="center" style="margin-top:8px; text-align:center"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">Versus<sdtpr></sdtpr></span></span></span></p> <p> </p></sdt></span></td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p> </p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"><span style="page:WordSection1"><sdt docpart="2FC18CD0F045421DB498D487421591BA" id="8972153"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">The Electoral Commissioner<sdtpr></sdtpr></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">James Alix Michel</span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"> Attorney General</span></span></span></p> <p> </p></sdt></span></td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:58px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px"> </p> </td> <td style="border-bottom:none; width:295px; padding:0cm 7px 0cm 7px; border-top:none; border-right:none; border-left:none" valign="top"> <p align="right" style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; text-align:right"> </p> <p align="right" style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:8px; text-align:right"> </p> <p><span style="page:WordSection1"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="tab-stops:131.6pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">                                            Respondents</span></span></span></span></span></p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> </div> <p> </p> <div class="WordSection2"> <div style="border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt; padding:0cm 0cm 1.0pt 0cm"> <p align="center" style="border:none; text-align:center; padding:0cm"> </p> </div> <p style="margin-top:16px; margin-bottom:8px"><span style="page:WordSection2"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="0C134D972EC74F168788199C77496CCF" id="15629736">Heard:</sdt>             <sdt calendar="t" calendartype="Gregorian" date="2016-11-29T00:00:00Z" dateformat="dd MMMM yyyy" docpart="E4AD7425A5CD4DCCBEBF18B6C7924C1E" id="8972154" lang="EN-GB" maptodatetime="t" xml:lang="EN-GB">29 November 2016</sdt></span></span></span></span></p> <p><span style="page:WordSection2"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="0C134D972EC74F168788199C77496CCF" id="15629744">Counsel:</sdt>          <sdt docpart="97001E8828DD45FCB928FA1212FFD41A" id="8972156">Mr. Bernard Georges for Appellant</sdt></span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><b> </b></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p><span style="page:WordSection2"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">                        Mrs. S. Aglae for Respondent no. 1</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px; text-indent:36.0pt"><span style="page:WordSection2"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr.  B. Hoareau for Respondent no. 2</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> </div> <p>                      <span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;, serif; font-size: 12pt;" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> <sdt docpart="97001E8828DD45FCB928FA1212FFD41A" id="8972158">Mr. R. Govinden for Respondent no. 3 with Mr. A. Subramanian</sdt></span></span><span style="font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;, serif; font-size: 10pt;"> </span><br />  </p> <div class="WordSection4"> <p style="margin-top:8px; margin-bottom:16px"><span style="page:WordSection4"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="0C134D972EC74F168788199C77496CCF" id="15629748">Delivered:</sdt>       <sdt calendar="t" calendartype="Gregorian" date="2016-12-09T00:00:00Z" dateformat="dd MMMM yyyy" docpart="BA82967198464982BED226EDB60F4AD0" id="8972159" lang="EN-GB" maptodatetime="t" xml:lang="EN-GB">09 December 2016</sdt><a name="Dropdown2" id="Dropdown2"></a></span></span></span></span></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"><strong><span style="page:WordSection4"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="color:gray"><sdt docpart="C83B561FB66A43FC9462507BF2A09078" id="20146848" text="t"><strong>JUDGMENT</strong></sdt></span></span></span></span></span></strong></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p style="text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:16px; text-align:justify"><span style="page:WordSection4"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="D8987113525E41969DE8BDBFF48331B9" id="15629733"><listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> S. Domah (J.A)</sdt></span></span></b></span></span></span></span></span></p> </div> <p> </p> <div class="WordSection5"><span style="page:WordSection5"><sdt docpart="1D47C2BA5AE3469B83FB32E220C9EB9C" id="17274583"> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height:150%">(1)       </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">This appeal arising out of the consolidated cases of CP07/15 and CP1/16 is being heard with agreement of parties on the decision of the Constitutional Court which decided, inter alia, that: (a) illegal practices had occurred in the 2015 Presidential Election but they were not such that would lead to the annulment of the election; and (b) that proof of agency had not been made out against Respondent no. 2, the successful candidate. </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><sdtpr></sdtpr></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(2)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Soon after the declaration of the results of the 2015 Presidential Election, the Appellant, the Presidential candidate who obtained the next best vote after the elected President, had brought an action against the three respondents. Respondent no. 1 is the Electoral Commission, the independent authority which in Seychelles has been entrusted with the power to conduct and supervise elections </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">as per article 115(3) and article 116(1)(a) of the Constitution of the Republic of Seychelles. </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> Respondent no. 2 is James Alix Michel, the elected President and Respondent no. 3 is the Attorney-General who </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">has been joined to the Petition under rule 7(4) of the Presidential Election and National Assembly Election (Election Petition) Rules, 1998.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(3)      </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Republic of Seychelles, as per its Constitution, is a Presidential democracy. The  President is elected for 5 years at any one time by secret ballot. In the discharge of its responsibilities, the Electoral Commission follows the provisions of the Elections Act.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(4)       </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> In December 2015, the then President James Alix Michel, who had already served two mandates stood for a third time. It is constitutionally enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of Seychelles (“the Constitution”) that, when it comes to a Presidential election, a candidate should fetch more than 50% of the votes cast at the polls to be declared the winner. If none of the candidates – and there is no limit to the number who can stand in this first exercise – reaches that ceiling, then this deficiency triggers a second round for the completion of the election. In this second round, only the two best candidates from the first round may postulate. The over 50% suffrage is a constant for in the first or subsequent elections.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(5)       </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">On 3<sup>rd</sup> to 5<sup>th</sup> December 2015 elections, no candidate had secured more than 50% of the votes cast. Accordingly, a second round was called for under Schedule 3 paragraph 8 of the Constitution.  This was happening for the first time in its history. In this second round which took place between 16<sup>th</sup> to 18<sup>th</sup> December 2015, the 2 candidates were President James Alix Michel who had fetched, in the first round, 47.76% under the banner of Parti Lepep (PL) and Wavel John Ramkalawan who had fetched 35.33% under the banner of Seychelles National Party (SNP). </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(6)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Late in the evening on 18<sup>th</sup> December 2015, the following results were declared by the First Respondent: 49.85% with 31,319 of the votes in favour of the Petitioner (Appellant in this case); and 50.15% with 31,512 of the votes in favor of the Second Respondent. The declared successful candidate was, accordingly, President James Alix Michel with 50.15% of the votes cast, for a third time in office; and Wavel John Ramkalawan with 49.85% of the votes cast with 25 years of political career.  The margin of votes was 193.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(7)       </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Wavel John Ramkalawan aggrieved by the outcome brought two cases before the Constitutional Court. The first case (CP 07/2015) was a Constitutional Petition in terms of Article 130 of the Constitution and the second (CP 01/2016) under section 51 of the Constitution and section 44 of the Elections Act, Cap 68A (hereinafter “the Act”).  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(8)       </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In CP 01/2016, the petitioner, now appellant, had sought a declaration to annul the election on the ground that there had been instances of non compliance with the Elections Act and illegal practices corrupting the election. He prayed for fresh elections to be held. The Constitutional Court sitting as an Election Court, heard oral evidence from the parties and witnesses in a mega trial. Finally, in its judgment, it made a finding that there had been non compliance and illegal practices in some instances averred by the Appellant, then petitioner, but not in all. It also decided that the non compliance and illegal practices found were not of such a nature as to warrant a declaration nullifying the election as such.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(9)       </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In CP 07/2015, the appellant sought an order for annulling the election on the ground that there was a misapplication of the electoral law in that the counting should have been done on the basis of all the votes cast and not on basis of valid votes cast. Appellant contended that the two terms were not one and the same and the difference in application would lead to the conclusion that the constant of over 50% had not been attained by either candidate in the 2<sup>nd</sup> round of the Presidential Election.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(10)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Since both cases involved the same parties, questioned the same election and were seeking the annulment of the Presidential election, they were consolidated and the hearing commenced on 14<sup>th</sup> January 2016.  The appeals raised a number of issues, some of which exacted urgent determination on account of the forthcoming National Assembly Elections fixed for 8<sup>th</sup>, 9<sup>th</sup> and 10<sup>th</sup> of September. A slot was allocated in the August session of the Court of Appeal to accommodate that case on account of its dire urgency in view of the forthcoming National Assembly Elections where his participation would have been compromised. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(11)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court had already found proved illegal practice against the Appellant but advisedly stayed the sanction on it. The sanction as per the law was reporting the finding to the Electoral Commission for a sanction that his name be removed from the electoral register for a period of 5 years.  For the record, it is worth recall that the Constitutional Court could have very well forthwith made the reporting as a result of which the Appellant would have been unable to participate in the National Assembly Elections. But it used its discretion in his favour, on an application made, to stay the reporting pending the determination of the Appellate Court. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(12)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">This aspect of the case had already been heard and decided by the Appellate Court and judgment delivered on 12<sup>th</sup> August 2016 in which this Court decided that the applicant be spared the reporting. see <b>Wavel John Charles Ramkalawan v Electoral Commission, James Alix Michel and Attorney General (no. 1) SCA CP01/2016. </b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(13)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are now concerned with the two outstanding issues demarcated. One is the application of the threshold of 50% in the counting of votes, more specifically, on the meaning of “votes in the election” and “votes cast” in the counting process in case <b>Wavel John Charles Ramkalawan v Electoral Commission, James Alix Michel and Attorney General (no. 2)</b>. The other is the meaning of agency, non compliance and illegal practice in application of the electoral law in <b>Wavel John Charles Ramkalawan v Electoral Commission, James Alix Michel and Attorney General (No. 3).</b> </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(14)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> Before we come to the grounds of appeal, we may as well recall what the  Constitutional Court found and decided. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:142px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">1.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Regarding to the allegation of illegal practices against the second Petitioner affecting the results of the elections, it found that the Petitioner has not discharged the burden of proof to the standard required by law in this matter.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:142px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">2.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In individual acts of illegal practices, it accepted that some reprehensible acts did take place; however,  the learned Judges were not persuaded that those acts or any of them satisfied the tests of agency to directly or indirectly link them to the Second Respondent as is required by the provisions of the Act.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:142px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">3.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Regarding the prayer for annulling the election, they concluded that it is a requirement of the law that the burden rests upon the Appellant to prove that the illegal practices if perpetrated by the Second Respondent or through his agency affected the result of the elections.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:142px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">4.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">As regards non-compliance by the First Respondent with the Act, it took the view that although many irregularities occurred and procedures were not all the time followed, they were not breaches of the law as such but non observance of guidelines in the handbook which is not enforceable.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:142px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">5.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The learned Judges were satisfied that the counting procedures although not always orthodox did not reveal any stray votes or evidence of stuffed ballots or any interference in the count amounting to affecting the result of the election.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(15)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">On those findings and conclusions, the Appellant has put up the following grounds of appeal.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Agency – Ground 1</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:142px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.3pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">1.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The constitutional court erred at paragraphs [427] and [428] of it judgment in:</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:198px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:148.85pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">a)    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Applying Seychelles law as to agency to the determination of responsibility for illegal practices committed on behalf of the second Respondent, and not a wider scope of agency appropriate to elections in terms of which a candidate is responsible for the actions of a wide range of persons who procure a benefit for the candidate.</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:198px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:148.85pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">b)    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Placing an unduly high burden in paragraph 428 upon the petitioner to adduce evidence both of a contract of agency between the candidate and the agent and its acceptance by the agent.</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:198px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:148.85pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">c)    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Ignoring the provisions of section 45 of the Elections Act that an illegal practice is proved against a candidate where at least the candidate or his agent has knowledge of the practice.</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Affecting the result - Ground 2</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">2.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The constitutional court erred in its interpretation of the law at paragraph [524] of its judgment that, in addition to proving an illegal practice, the Petitioner was also required to prove that the illegal practice had affected the result of the elections in that the second element is not a legal requirement.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Making Registers - Ground 3</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">3.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The constitutional Court erred in paragraph [521] and [526] of its judgement in not finding that the lack of marking of the register in each polling station was contrary to the law and therefore a reconciliation of the registers used in each polling station was required, and as a result erred in not ordering recount of all votes in all polling stations after a reconciliation of the registers used, as prayed for by the petitioner.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Shifting Burden of proof - Ground 4</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">4.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In each case where the Constitutional Court had found an illegal practice to have been committed in favour of the second Respondent, the Constitutional Court erred in not shifting the burden onto the second Respondent to prove that the illegal practice had been made in circumstances affording a defence or an excuse in law.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr Rene and Mr Pillay - Ground 5 and 6</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">5.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court erred in paragraph [436] of its judgment in not finding that Mr Rene was an agent of the second Respondent on the basis of evidence adduced that he had been the predecessor of the second Respondent as President, belonged to the same party and had appeared for the second Respondent in political broadcasts of the second Respondent during the election. All of these factors rendered the possibility that Mr Rene was either the agent of the second Respondent’s knowledge or had acted with Second Respondent’s knowledge, more probable than not.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">6.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court erred in paragraph [436] of its judgment in finding that Mr Rene had not been proved to have asked Mr Pillay to vote for the second Respondent in that such a requirement is not a necessary element of the offence, as stated by the Constitutional Court itself at paragraph [424] of its judgment.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Dania Valentin and Flossel Francois - Ground 7</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">7.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court erred in paragraph [438] and [439]of its judgment in ignoring the evidence of the improbable timing of the release of Mr Francois to coincide with the public shift in support of Ms Valentin from the opposition to the Second Respondent (as manifested by her appearance in a political party broadcast for the Second Respondent), and in not concluding thereby that the Petitioner had discharged the burden on him and that, in the absence of an evidence in rebuttal by the second Respondent, to whom the evidentiary burden had shifted, the illegal practice had been made out.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Etihad Airways - Ground 8</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">8.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court erred in paragraph [442] of its judgment in not finding that Mr David Savy at least acted with the knowledge of the second Respondent on the basis of evidence that he had made on the face book post, the same threats that the second Respondent had previously made and which had been reported in the Seychelles Nation Newspaper about Etihad Airways leaving Seychelles in the event of the Appellant being elected.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Mrs Beryl Botsoie - Ground 9</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">9.         </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court erred in paragraph 455 of its judgment in not finding  that Mrs Beryl Botsoie was an agent of the second Respondent, ignoring that Mrs Botsoie was both a head teacher in the government of the second Respondent and his polling agent in an electoral area.  These factors rendered it more probable than not that Mrs Bosoie was an agent of the second Respondent, or at least that he had knowledge of her actions.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">SPDF Officers - Ground 10</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">10.       </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The constitutional Court erred in paragraph 458 of its judgment in not finding that at least Lt Col Roseline was an agent of the second Respondent, or that the second Respondent had knowledge of what Lt. Col. Roseline was doing, in that Lt Col Roseline was proved to be the Military Adviser of the Second Respondent, their Commander in chief.  These factors rendered it more probable than not that all three officers were agents of the second Respondent, or at least that he had knowledge of their actions.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">James Lesperance - Ground 11</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">11.       </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Th Constitutional Court erred in paragraph [461] of its judgment in not finding that Mr James Lesperance was an agent of the second Respondent, or had been action with the knowledge of the second Respondent or his agents, in that the coincidence of Mr Lesperance’s presence as a front-line guest at the inauguration of the second Respondent, in the absence of an innocent explanation therefore, rendered proof of agency or knowledge of his actions more probable than not.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Dolor Ernesta - Ground 12</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">12.       </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The constitutional Court erred in paragraph [464] of its judgement in finding the alleged illegal practice unproved in that the court ignored the uncontroverted testimony that Mrs Dine was disheveled and badly dressed, and had expressed her wish not to vote.  These factors rendered it more probable than not that Mrs Dine was being taken to vote against her will.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Indian Ocean Tuna (IOT) - Ground 13</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">13.       </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court erred in paragraph [469] of its judgment in not finding the illegal practices proved, in that the court -</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">a.       </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Ignored evidence that the promise made to the Seychellois workers at Indian Ocean Tuna was made for the first time in time for the second ballot, had never been made before and was in respect of a group of workers not covered by previous, publicly announced, schemes for a 13<sup>th</sup> month salary.</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:123px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">b.       </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Erred in its statement that the Petitioner had offered the same incentive in that the offer made by the Petitioner was not as an inducement to vote for him, it had been made in his manifesto and had been limited to public service employees and not those at Indian Ocean Tuna (IOT).</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:123px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">RELIEFS SOUGHT BY THE APPELLANT</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(16)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">By way of relief, the Appellant has prayed for the following orders:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">1.      That by reason of proven illegal practices by persons for whom the second Respondent was responsible, the Presidential Elections of December 2015 were null and void and would have to be held afresh.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">2.    That the Constitutional Court consider whether to report the second Respondent to the Electoral Commission.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"> </p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">3.   That the first Respondent be ordered to make arrangements to hold fresh presidential Elections.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"> </p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:92.15pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">4.      Alternatively to the previous orders, that the first Respondent recount the ballots cast in the Second Ballot on 18<sup>th</sup> December 2015, after reconciling all electoral registers used in all polling stations, and declare the results of the recount.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(17)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Before we come to the factual issues, we shall circumscribe the applicable law to the issues raised in this appeal. They are: inter alia: the jurisdiction of the Court and its powers with respect to the order of voidance of an election; the procedure and the nature of the action; the provisions that have to be complied with for the conduct of an election, the breach of which will lead to non-compliance; the acts which may constitute illegal practice. We shall then deal with the law of agency (Ground 1), burden of proof and affecting the result (Ground 2), marking of registers (Ground 3), standard of proof and shifting of burden of proof (Ground 4) before moving to the factual application of the law under Grounds 1 to 4 in Grounds 5 to 13. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">JURISDICTION, PROCEDURE, NATURE OF ACTION</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(18)    </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Section 43 of the Elections Act provides that the result of a Presidential Election or a National Assembly Election shall not be questioned or subject to review in any court except on an election petition presented to the Constitutional Court under the Elections Act. In the decision we gave in August in this case relating to Reporting, we dealt with the unique nature of the Constitutional Court sitting as an Election Court and the combined adversarial and inquisitorial nature of its jurisdiction. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(19)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Elections Act vests the Constitutional Court with powers under section 45(2) whereby the court may not stay content with only the dispute between the parties but need to go further. It may order <i>proprio motu</i> and compel any person concerned with the election to attend as a witness to depose. The trial is not only the trial of the persons directly before court but it is one of the election itself. That is apparent by the wording of section 45(2) which reads:<b>          </b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="boldtext" style="margin-top:7px; margin-left:47px; text-indent:1.0cm; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:8.5pt"><span style="line-height:normal"><span style="font-family:&quot;Helvetica LT Std&quot;"><span style="color:black"><span style="font-weight:bold"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="font-weight:normal">   <i>“45(2) The Constitutional Court may— </i></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="NL2" style="margin-top:1px; margin-left:95px; text-indent:35.45pt; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:8.5pt"><span style="line-height:normal"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="color:black"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US">(a)        by an order, compel any person who appears to the Court to be concerned in the election to attend as a witness at the trial; and</span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="NL2" style="margin-top:1px; margin-left:142px; text-indent:0cm; text-align:justify"> </p> <p class="NL2" style="margin-top:1px; margin-left:95px; text-indent:35.45pt; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:8.5pt"><span style="line-height:normal"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="color:black"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US">(b)        examine a witness referred to in paragraph (a) or any person in Court, although the person has not been called as a witness.</span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="NL2" style="margin-top:1px; margin-left:95px; text-indent:35.45pt; text-align:justify"> </p> <p class="NL1" style="margin-top:1px; margin-left:95px; text-indent:0cm; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:8.5pt"><span style="line-height:normal"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span style="color:black"><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-US">(3) A witness or a person referred to in (3) subsection (2) may be examined or cross examined, as the case may be, by the petitioner, respondent and Attorney-General or his representative, if present at the trial.”</span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(20)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court has other powers: that of pronouncing an election void if it is satisfied that this should be so, as per section 46(1) which reads:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-7.1pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> “At the conclusion of the trial of an election petition, the Constitutional Court shall determine –</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:70.9pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(a) whether the election is valid;</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:70.9pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:70.9pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(b) whether the election is void …. ;</span></span></i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">” </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(21)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Further, it has the power to order recounts under section 44(8) which reads: </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The Constitutional Court may order a recount of the ballot papers where it is satisfied that there was an irregularity in the counting of the ballot papers that affected the results of the election.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i> </i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-7.1pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">  <b>THE ELECTIONS ACT</b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(22)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Wavel v Electoral Commission &amp; Ors (No. 1) CP1/2016, 12 August 2016,</b> we explained the co-existence of the two regimes in the Act: the civil action and the criminal action. We need not elaborate except to refresh ourselves on the fact that two types of actions are possible under the Elections Act. One is a civil action initiated by any individual based on the same facts which will lead to ultimate sanctions such as removal of names from the register or the rendering of the avoidance of an election of the impugned candidate. The other is a criminal action initiated by the State in the name of the Attorney-General against an individual who may be in breach of any of the provisions of the Elections Act. The sanctions here are the classical penalties of fines and imprisonment.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(23)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are here concerned with such an action started by a petition by Mr Wavel Ramkalawon, now a Member of the National Assembly but at the material time an unsuccessful candidate in the Presidential Election.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">THE CONDUCT AND SUPERVISION OF AN ELECTION</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(24)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The responsibility to conduct and supervise a Presidential Election, a National Assembly Election or a Referendum is entrusted to an Electoral Commission, an independent body under the Constitution: see article 115(3) and 116(1)(a). In the exercise of its powers, the Electoral Commission is not under the direction and control of any person or authority in the performance of its functions. The conduct and supervision is done under the law, in this case the Elections Act. The Electoral Commissioner elects independent officers to carry out the tasks entrusted to them under the Act. It has produced a number of Guidelines for the purpose. There is published a Code of Conduct for stake holders which was signed by all the political parties published in November 2015.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">THE RELEVANT LAW ON COMPLIANCE WITH THE ACT</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(25)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The law with respecting to the voidance of elections is found in section 44 of the Elections Act. It enables a petitioner to challenge the validity of the election of a President by way of an election petition in which he can seek a prayer that the election is void. The grounds on which the election may be held to be void is provided for in section 44(7).</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(26)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The relevant part of this section reads:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The Constitutional Court may declare that an election ... is void if the Court is satisfied –</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(a)        That there was a non-compliance with this Act relating to the election … and the non-compliance affected the result of the election ;</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:180px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-1.0cm"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(b)        That an illegal practice was committed in connection with the election by and with the knowledge and consent or approval of the candidate or by or with the knowledge and consent or approval of any of the agents of the agents of the candidate.” </span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(27)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Elections Act (“the Act”) itself deals comprehensively with how an election should be carried out. It is open to every citizen of Seychelles who has registered himself under the Act to vote at the electoral centre where his name appears in the Electoral Register. The Register is updated annually in terms of residence: see section 7.  The Act also speaks about the manner in which the polling station shall be arranged (see section 21(1)); the timely notices with regard to the location of polling stations (see section 17(1)); the times at which voting may commence and end and the manner in which the closing time will apply (see section 17(1)(b). The Act further provides for sufficiency of ballot boxes at the centres (section 18(5); for the appointment of polling agents by each candidate whose task is to be present at the time the voting is taking place (see 20(1)); for facilities given to the polling agent to see the ballot paper being handled and see the entrance of the voter into the voting booth (see section 20(5)) etc. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(28)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">More importantly, section 25 provides for voting to be conducted in substance and as nearly as possible in the manner provided for in the Act: by personal attendance and  on production of the National Identity Card. The Electoral Officer should also be satisfied that the person has not voted at the station or elsewhere at the election. When a voter appears, his number is called out with his particulars, a stamped ballot paper is handed out to him authenticated by an official stamp and the fact that the voter has exercised his vote is marked. All this takes place within sight of the polling agent of the candidate so that the system is protected against any malpractice. At the end of the day, the ballot boxes are closed and sealed in presence of the respective polling agents. Polling agents are also allowed to place their seals if they so wish. A ballot paper account is carried out and a Statement made to that effect. The counting takes place on the very same day, unlike in many jurisdictions where they are kept under official custody under lock and key until the next morning when voting starts. Before the counting starts, the candidates and their polling agents are allowed to inspect the seals before they are broken. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(29)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Under section 34(2), there are clear indications of what ballots are to be valid and what are to be rejected. And if there is a controversy over it, any objection is recorded. As per section 36(1), upon conclusion of the counting, the Electoral Officer, in presence of the candidates, if present, or the counting agents of candidates, proceed to verify the ballot paper account by comparing the number of ballot papers recorded in the account with the number counted, rejected and unused. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(30)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">That is the law, by and large, as far as compliance with electoral process is concerned. We wanted to elaborate on the above to reassure that the system in place is sound, democratic and credible. And persons who may abused the system may be caught by the civil and criminal law applicable. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">THE RELEVANT LAW ON ILLEGAL PRACTICE</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(31)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Now with regard to illegal practice, we go to sections 44, 45 and 51(3). Section 51(3) reads:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“For the purposes of this section and sections 44, 45, 47 and 51(3), <i>a person commits an illegal practice where the person –</i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:127.6pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(a)       directly or indirectly, by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, gives, lends or agrees to give or lend, offers or promises to procure or to endeavour to procure, any more or valuable consideration to or for any voter or to or for any other person on behalf of a voter or to or for another person, in order to induce the voter to vote or refrain from voting, or corruptly does any such act as aforesaid on account of such voter having voted or refrained from voting at an election. </span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:127.6pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(b)       directly or indirectly by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, gives or procures or agrees to give or procure or to endeavor to procure, any office, place or employment to or for a voter, or to or for any person, in order to induce the voter to vote or refrain from voting, or corruptly does any such act as aforesaid on account of the voter having voted or refrained from voting at an election;</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:123px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="tab-stops:127.6pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(c)        directly or indirectly, by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, makes an gift, loan, offer, promise, procurement, or agreement referred to in paragraph (b) to or for an person in order to induce such person to procure or to endeavour to procure the vote of a voter at an election …”</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(32)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Elections Act creates a wide range of offences criminalizing activities related to registration, ballot boxes, election notices, disturbances, obstruction of Electoral Officer to do their duty, electioneering, conditions for posting bills, posters, pamphlets, or circulars, non compliance with the Act, illegal practice etc. all designed to ensure that the election runs smoothly as an election should run in a democratic system of government: see section 51.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(33)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In this case, we are concerned principally with section 51 (3) (a) to (c), even if some of the other sections come up sometimes as reference. In non legalese language, the gist of section 51 (3)(a), is that a person shall not attempt to buy the vote of an elector by money or money’s worth either to vote differently or not to vote: see section 51(3)(b). The same applies if he is attempting to do so in exchange for any office, place or employment: see section 51(3)(b). Nor can he do so by making any gift, loan, offer, promise, procurement or agreement: see section 51(3)(c). He cannot do any of these things either by himself or through an agent, either directly or indirectly: see 51(3)(c) to (d), inter alia. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(34)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Now with respect to the procedure and power of an election court, we refer to section 45. An application should be by way of petition and the hearing in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original civil jurisdiction. But there is more. An election court, unlike other courts, is vested with powers of investigation. As per section 45 (2) to (3), it can summon witnesses, examine them and cross-examine witnesses who have deposed.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(35)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court sits for matters of election as an Election Court. Section 46(1) binds the Court to determine at the conclusion of a trial whether the election was valid or void, whether a recount is required, the procedure to conduct it and the procedure to declare the outcome.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(36)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Section 47 deals with the sanctions that should follow a finding of illegal practice on the individuals, candidates and agents: i.e. a reporting to the Electoral Commissioner for the purpose of removing the name of the person from the Electoral Register for a period of 5 years. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(37)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">With respect to this aspect, section 47(4) provides that if the act and omission was made in good faith through inadvertence, or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause, the person shall be spared the consequences of this Act. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(38)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Now that we have referred to the applicable laws above, we may consider the grounds in the order in which they have been raised. Agency (Ground 1); affecting the result (Ground 2) Marking of Registers (Ground 3); Burden of Proof Ground 4 before considering the factual issues in Ground 5 to 13.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> GROUND 1</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">AGENCY</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(39)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In point of law, under Ground 1, the contention of learned counsel for the Appellant is that it is the law of agency of elections which should be applied and not the civil law of agency as obtains in the Seychelles Civil Code.  The question is raised to gauge the relationship between the Second Respondent and the various individuals whose acts and doings were regarded as illegal practices. They were Mr Albert Réné, Mr David Savy, Mrs Beryl Botsoie, Lt. Col. Roseline and Mr James Lespérance.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(40)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court decided that there was no relationship of agency between these aforementioned people and the second Respondent. It also decided that the law of agency which should apply is the law of agency under Chapters 1-IV of Title XIII of the Civil Code of Seychelles provides for the rules relating to agency. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(41)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Article 1984 defines agency as:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:95px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><i>“An act whereby a person called the principal gives to another called the agent or proxy the power to do something for him and in his name.”</i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(42)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In other words, the principal-agent relationship is an arrangement in which one entity legally appoints another to act on its behalf.  Agents, by definition, have rights and responsibilities and are to act within the scope of the authority if the principal is to be bound by the agent’s acts and doings.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(43)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The reasoning of the Constitutional Court was that members of the wider public who merely manifest support for the candidate cannot and should not be held to be agents of the candidate.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="color:black">(44)     </span></span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">That proposition of law is perfectly sound to us and stands valid whether in the common law jurisdictions, civil law jurisdictions, in election law or in any other field of law. There is no need for a formal agreement for the relationship of agency to apply in any of these jurisdictions or fields of law.  It can be implied by facts and circumstances. The rule is for a formal appointment but agency may be implied or may be orally established: <b>see <a name="_Toc464196183" id="_Toc464196183"><span style="color:black">Article 1985</span></a><span style="color:black">. </span></b><span style="color:black">Acceptance may be implied by circumstances and may be purely gratuitous <b>(see Article 1986)</b>.<b>  </b></span><span style="color:black">It is either special and for one case or certain cases only, or general covering all the cases of the principal: <b>see Article 1987.</b></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(45)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are a hybrid jurisdiction and we borrow the best from both the common law and the civil law to supply the deficiencies in our own laws. But in this area, the differences are more apparent than real. Every article in the Civil Code rezones every judicial decision in the common law system. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(46)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Thus, agents are distinguished in respect of authority as general or special agents both in common law and civil law.  This distinction is made to determine the authority of that agent.  It has been stated in the case of <b>Jacob V Morris [1902] 1 CH 816.</b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“A general agent has the full apparent authority due to his employment or position and the principal will be bound by his acts within that authority though he may have imposed special restrictive limits which are not known to the other contracting party. A special agent has no apparent authority beyond the limits of his appointment and the principal is not bound by his acts in excess of those limits whether the other contracting party knows of them or not.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(47)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">An election agent is not a general agent in any system of law. He is a special agent for the purposes of the election with specific tasks of canvassing votes for the candidate and representing him in a limited number of places in course of the electoral campaign and formally in proceedings for the election vis-à-vis the Electoral Commission or the Chief Electoral Officer simply because the candidate cannot be everywhere. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(48)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Comparative jurisprudence is not dissonant in this regard. In the Nigerian case <b>of Wali V. Batarawa (2204) 16 NWLR</b>, the Court of Appeal decided that where the allegation of electoral malpractices or corrupt practices are committed by the agents of the person returned as duly elected, the petitioner must establish the following: (a) that the alleged agent claimed to be the agent of the elected person; (b) that the offences were committed in favour of the elected person either (i) with his knowledge; or (ii) with the knowledge or consent of a person who is acting under the general or special authority of such a candidate with respect to the election.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(49)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The aforementioned case illustrates that one cannot be deemed to be an agent merely by association but that there must be proof to demonstrate that there was some arrangement or agreement between the alleged agent and the principal.  There are rules that govern agency in both systems of law. Thus, an agent who goes “beyond the scope of his authority” cannot bind the principal. The concept of scope of authority exists in both systems.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(50)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The law of agency is of general application in all fields of law. It is one and not different in different areas of the law. It is all a question of fact whether there is or there is no agency in a particular situation. There is merit in the decision of the court that agency should be the civil law of agency of Seychelles for no other reason that the Code is explicit on the subject-matter. There is virtue in it and no heresy. A loose interpretation of it may end up by making those who are defendants today plaintiffs tomorrow. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(51)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In Seychelles, a small community of about 95,000 souls, where everyone virtually knows everyone else, any relaxation of the classical law of agency, if applied in the election cases, would end up by having virtually everybody the agent of everybody else. Learned counsel referred to, inter alia, the cases of <b>Wakefield Case XVII(1874) 2 O’M&amp;H 100, Barnstaply Case (1874)  2 O’M&amp;H 105, Tauton Case (1874) 2 O’M&amp;H 73 and Ringadoo v Jugnauth [supra]. </b> All we need to say is that those decisions were valid for those places and those times and elections are hyperactive exercises and generate considerable passion from all sides. A realistic view should be taken of the fact that elections are no longer what they used to be before. The characteristics of the jurisdiction should be taken into account. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(52)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The realistic view is well expressed in <b>Erlam &amp; Ors v Rahman and Anor M/350/14</b>:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“a distinction should be made between the candidate’s team of supporters, canvassers and those whole unconnected members who may support and engage in unsolicited acts of corrupt or illegal practice.”  </span></span></i>  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(53)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the application of civil or criminal sanction in electoral law, what the law requires is the existence of a nexus between the candidate and the alleged agent. The operative nexus would be satisfied where, no matter whether it is an official relationship, a party relationship or a personal relationship, the candidate has knowledge of the misdeed of the other, consents to it or gives his approval for its commission. In this jurisdiction, where the sense of community living is quite strong, some have party allegiances, some party identity, some have historical ties with party. Some have personal allegiances, family ties, personal friendships and common interests and philosophy. The dishonest nexus between the alleged agent of the illegal practice and the candidate must be shown. That nexus will be satisfied if no matter what that relationship is, the candidate has knowledge of the malpractice, consents to it or gives his approval for it. The reference to Seychelles law of agency should be understood in the sense it was meant in the context. To use the digital language, the author and the candidate should in the first place connect. Without the connection there cannot be agency. The connection may be implied by facts and circumstances with regard to the degree of knowledge, consent or approval, express or implied that was given but there should be the connection. Only he is unseated in a democratic election who obtains it by corrupt means. The mischief is in the corruption that connects.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(54)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Kalence V Muknshya &amp; Electoral Commission of Zambia &amp; Attorney General [2013] ZMSC 27,</b> the Court held that the election of a candidate as a member of the National Assembly shall be void where it can be shown that any corrupt practice or illegal practice was committed in connection with the election by or with the knowledge and consent or approval of the candidate or of his election agent or of his polling agents. If unknown to the prospective candidate and without his/her consent, that certain members of the public who support his/her party are engaging in corrupt or illegal practices to ensure his/her party wins the election, those supporters should not, in law, be deemed to be his agents:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> “The mere interferences on the candidate’s part with persons who, feeling interested in the candidates success, any act in support of his campaign is not sufficient to saddle he candidate with any unlawful acts of theirs of which the candidate and his election agents are ignorant.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(55)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the absence of authorization or ratification of the candidate, there must be evidence that the agent was acting on behalf of the candidate or that the candidate put himself in the agents’ hands or to have made common measure with him for the purpose of promoting the candidates election.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(56)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The scope of the agent’s mandate is another important factor. The rule is that acts done by the agent outside the scope of their authority cannot bind the principal.  At <b>paragraph 619 of Halsbury’s of England Volume 15, 4<sup>th</sup> Edition,</b> we read a “voluntary canvasser who canvasses without authority is not an agent.”</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(57)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We hold, therefore, that Seychelles law on agency, albeit in the Seychelles Civil Code, which applies in electoral law is not in any way different from what obtains in other jurisdictions. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 2</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">AFFECTING THE RESULTS OF THE ELECTION</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(58)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">With this, we come to the view taken by the learned Judges that even if some illegal practices had occurred, those illegal acts did not have the effect of impacting on the final result for the purpose of voiding the election. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(59)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The law on this matter is found in section 44(7)(a) of the Act. We have referred to this earlier. However, we reproduce the relevant part for convenient readability: </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The Constitutional Court may declare that an election … is void if the Court is satisfied –</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:132px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(a)           </span></span></i><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">That there was a non-compliance with this Act relating to the election…and the non-compliance affected the result of the election or the nomination;</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:132px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:132px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(b)           </span></span></i><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">That an illegal practice was committed in connection with the election by or with the knowledge and consent or approval of the candidate or by or with the knowledge and consent or approval of any of the agents of the candidate.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(60)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">As can be seen, section 47(1)(a) requires proof of two elements: <i>non compliance</i> with the Act is one and non compliance <i>affecting the result of the election</i> is another. On the other hand, section 47(1)(a) lacks that linking between illegal act and the results of the election. However, it is also worth noting that illegal act <i>per se</i> may not lead to the election being annulled. The illegal act is linked to the issue of “<i>knowledge and consent or approval of the candidate or by or with the knowledge and consent or approval of any of the agents of the candidate.” </i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(61)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The legislator was aiming not at the illegal act itself but at the crucial question whether the candidate had caused himself to be elected by illegal and corrupt means. That makes complete sense since those who are the representative of the people who happen to get themselves elected by dishonesty may not benefit from the fruits of their poisoned tree. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(62)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In this particular case, the Appellant was engaging his legal battle under two fronts: section 47(1)(a) and section 47(1)(b). Under 47(1)(a) non compliance with the Act is one element and how it affected the result is another. Under section 47(1)(b), illegal act is one element and the candidate’s knowledge is another element. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(63)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">With regard to non compliance, we read from <b>Halsbury’s Laws of England (4th Edition, Volume 15 at paragraph 581)</b>, that an election should not be declared invalid by reason of any act or omission by the returning officer or any other person in breach of his official duty in connection with the election or otherwise of the appropriate elections rules if it appears to the tribunal, having cognizance of the question that the election was conducted substantially in accordance with the law as to the elections and that the act or omission did not affect the result.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(64)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We adopt that proposition of law as far as the interpretation of sections 47(1)(a) is concerned. It is axiomatic that the matter should be guided by the principle of proportionality. The consequence should be commensurate with the act or omission as a basic fairness dictates. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(65)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Now with regard to the operation of section 47(1)(b), the question to ask is whether Respondent No. 2 had knowledge of, gave his consent to or signified his approval of, the illegal acts. If he had, his election should be declared null and void. If he did not have knowledge of what the alleged agents were doing and that they were acting of their own accord, out of zeal, self-interest or other motive, liability cannot be imputed to Respondent No. 2. Any suggestion of absolute liability is dispelled by the existence of a subjective element written in the law: i.e. that the candidate should have the necessary knowledge, give his consent or signify his approval. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(66)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In this particular case, the illegal acts which the Constitutional Court found had been committed were few and far between. Of the number of election centres, doubts – unreasonable ones – were raised only on a couple of them. They were not a generalized nature. None happened to be grave and serious nature in the sense that none was of a corrupt nature within the meaning of the Act. Nor were they prevalent. In other words, the election was substantially free and fair as a whole, in compliance with the Act to an appreciable degree.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(67)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court was not satisfied as it was incumbent upon them to do under section 46(1) (b) for the issue of a Certificate to the Electoral Commissioner to that effect. That conclusion survives our scrutiny. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(68)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">It is to be noted that the principle of proportionality which should obtain between the act or omission and the consequences that flow from the act or omission is inbuilt in the Elections Act. Section 45 provides:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">                        <i>“4) Where it appears to the Constitutional Court on an Election Petition –</i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(a)        that an act or omission of a candidate or the agent of a candidate or any other person, which, but for this section, would be an illegal practice under this Act, has been done or made in good faith through inadvertence or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable cause of a like nature; or</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(b)        that upon taking into account all the relevant circumstances it would be just that the candidate, agent of the candidate or the other person should not be subject to an of the consequences under this Act or such act or omission.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(69)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">That section has been applied in the case of the Appellant himself: see <b>Wavel v Electoral Commissioner &amp; Ors (No. 1) 16 August 2016.</b> The Court is empowered to make an order allowing the act or omission which would otherwise be an illegal practice under this Act, to be an exception to this Act and the candidate, agent or other person shall not be subject to the consequences under this Act. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(70)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the recent Ugandan case of <b>Amama Mbabazi V Yoweri Kaguta Museveni And Others, Election Petition No 1 Of 2016,</b> the court decided that there was not enough substantial evidence of irregularities in the election, or that the irregularities would have affected the result.  Similarly, in  <b>Odinga v Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission &amp; Ors [supra], </b>the Court commented that:<b> </b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“Where a party alleges non-conformity with the electoral law, the petitioner must not only prove that there had been non-compliance with the law, but that such failure of compliance had not affected the validity of the elections.  This emerged from a long-standing common law approach in respect of alleged irregularity in the acts of public bodies.  Therefore the petitioner must have set out his petition by raising firm and credible evidence of the public authority’s departures from the prescriptions of the law.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(71)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are unable to see the cause and effect in the type of non compliance and the final result. There is no merit in Ground 2. It is dismissed.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">GROUND 3</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:95px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-7.1pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">REGISTERS</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:95px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-7.1pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(72)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Under Ground 3, the non-compliance with Elections Act made by the Appellant related to the unsatisfactory state of some of the Electoral Registers. Learned counsel submitted that the Constitutional Court erred in not ordering a recount of all votes from all polling stations on account of the unsatisfactory maintenance of the Registers. They were not reconciled with one another, despite discrepancies on names which had been crossed and some names not crossed. It was the contention of the Appellant that there was accordingly a non-compliance with the section 25(1)(b)(iii) of the Elections Act which requires the marking of the register as well as section 29(1)(c) and (e) of the Elections Act which requires that at the end of the polling all the Registers should be sealed. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(73)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Section 25(1)(b)(iii) reads: </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“the Electoral Officer … shall place a mark against the name of the person on the copy of the register of voters to denote that a ballot paper in respect of the election has been delivered; …”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">And section 29(1)(c) reads:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The Electoral Officer shall, as soon as practicable, after each ballot box is full and in respect of other ballot boxes after the close of the poll, in respect of other ballot boxes after the close of the poll, in the presence of the respective polling agents who wish to attend … mark the copy of the register of voters. </span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(74)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Frankly, we are unable to follow in what was these purely administrative matters which may be useful for collating, if not complied with to the letter as they should have had an impact on the result. If any doubt was envisaged on the matter, it should have been addressed administratively to the Chief Electoral Officer, leaving it to the Electoral officer to make a decision as he saw fit. If the Constitutional Court did not see much in the argument, they were right.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">   </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(75)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Appellant had testified to the effect that he had been provided with three Electoral Registers containing the names of persons entitled to vote in the electoral area of the Inner Islands.  The Respondent No. 1 had informed him that they should be used for marking off all voters who voted on La Digue.  Appellant added that he had been further told by Mr Gappy that the third (more comprehensive) register was drawn from the 2<sup>nd</sup> Register (which was not the one at the door when people came in, but a different register).  Appellant’s case was that he was to discover later that several names had not been transferred from the first Register (i.e.  the one used on Mahe) to the 2<sup>nd</sup> Register (the  main  register  on la  Digue).  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">This meant that a number of persons who voted on Mahe were not crossed off the list on La Digue.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(76)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Registers from the Inner Islands certainly showed several incongruities which could not be explained away by the relevant officers as names were marked off in some registers and not in others with little consistency between the three registers produced.  It was the argument of Mr Georges, therefore, that “the marking only of the Register where a voter presents him or herself leaves the possibility open for voters returning to another table and voting again” and that “there is only one way for these problems to be satisfactorily resolved.  This is to use the electoral register, properly marked, as the base for the tallying of voters who had voted.”  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(77)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We take the view that it is unsafe for a Court to find a complaint proved on a possibility that unauthorized voters had cast votes. Registers of voters are handled by officials and polling agents alike. A reconciliation is not the work of an Electoral Officer. It is that of the polling agents to undertake that task in the proper discharge of their duties.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(78)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In our view, there is no doubt that there is a purpose for which Registers are prepared: for the purpose of recording those who had voted and those who had not. Where they have been well maintained, the sums add up. They give added confidence in the credibility of the electoral process. But the important point to remember is which Register are we comparing with which inasmuch as there is an Official Register and those of the polling agents. As such, the state of completeness or incompleteness of the Registers is flimsy evidence that there was double voting. If anything it will show that polling agents have either not understood or not done their work properly. The crucial question is the prevention of double voting. No person is entitled to be registered in more than one electoral district as per section 5(2) of the Elections Act. If the concern of the Appellant is that one registered voter may have voted twice if his name is not crossed in one, then that is unlikely inasmuch as there was a system indelible dye and invisible spray used to prevent double voting. The Appellant is making a confusion in what really counts in gauging the credibility of the electoral system. The tracing is not in Registers but in the tally sheets.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(79)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the matter of the Parliamentary General elections for the <b>Mumbwa East Constituency; Loongo V Shepande (1983/Hp/Ep/25),</b> an application was made for a recount of votes on the ground that the statutory procedure had not been followed.  The courts had to determine whether on the facts, there had been non-compliance of the provisions of the Electoral Act and if so whether the said non-compliance affected the result of the election.  The evidence of the petitioner’s election agent, who was present at the counting, was that during the counting of ballot papers in the respondent’s tray, he observed a bunch of ballot papers which had been counted twice.  When he queried, the Returning officer ignored him.  The Returning officer admitted in court that there had been discrepancies in the counting.  He attributed this to human error.  The judge ordered a recount on being “satisfied that a case for a recount has been made out.”  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(80)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Akidi S Adong &amp; Anor (Election Petition No.0004 Of 2011) [2011] UGHCCD 8 921 July 2011)</b>, the Petitioner contested for the woman Member of Parliament for Nwoa District which was part of the general election held throughout the Country on the 18<sup>th</sup> February 2011.  Her opponent had been declared the winner for having won by 7,253 votes as against the Petitioner who had obtained 5,522  votes.  The Petitioner contended, among other things, that there had been non-compliance with the electoral laws in force and that there were several electoral offences committed by the successful candidate by herself as well as through her agents with her knowledge, approval and consent.  The Petitioner contented that all those offences and non-compliances affected the results of the election in a substantial manner.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(81)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Court held that the issue of non-compliance affecting the results substantially has to be appraised on proven irregularities.  The Petitioner had failed to prove that there was non-compliance with the electoral laws and that the non-compliance affected the results in a substantial manner. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(82)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The two cases above can be distinguished from one another in that in the first case, the non-compliance related to a core concern of the vote count. In the second case, the non compliance related to a matter collateral to the vote count. There was evidence in the former and no convincing evidence in the latter.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(83)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Reference is made to the case of <b>Raila Odinga v The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission &amp; Ors [2013 EKLR which </b>held that:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The conduct of the presidential election was not perfect, even though the election had been of the greatest interest to the Kenyan people who had voluntarily voted.  Although there were many irregularities in the date and information capture during the registration process, they were not so substantial as to affect the credibility of the electoral process and besides, no credible evidence had been adduced to show that such irregularities were premeditated and introduced by the 1<sup>st</sup> respondent, for the purpose of causing prejudice to any particular candidate.” </span></span></i><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(see also</span></span></b><i> </i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> <b>Mumbwa East Constituency; Loongo V Shepande (1983/Hp/Ep/25).</b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(84)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In our view, Chief Justice Twomey, with whom the other judges agreed, put it succinctly:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“the failure to reconcile the registers is not a form of non-compliance with the law as there is not law requiring that the registers be reconciled in the first place.  However, they do need to be sealed and placed in the care of the Chief Electoral Officer as required by the Act.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i> </i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(85)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Opitz V. Wrzesnewskyj 2012 Scc 55, [2012] 3 S.C.R. 76</b>, the Canadian Supreme Court stated:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The practical realities of election administration are such that imperfections in the conduct of elections are inevitable…A federal election is only possible with the work of thousands of Canadians who are hired across the country for a period of a few days or, in many cases, a single 14-hour day.  These workers perform many detailed tasks under difficult conditions.  They are required to apply multiple rules in a setting that is unfamiliar.  Because elections are not everyday occurrences it is difficult to see how workers could get practical on-the-job experience…The current system of electoral administration in Canada is not designed to achieve perfection, but to come as close to the ideal of enfranchising all entitled voters as possible.  Since they system and the Act are not designed for certainty alone, courts cannot demand perfect certainty.  Rather, courts must be concerned with the integrity of the electoral system. This overarching concern informs our interpretation of the phrase “irregularities… that affected the result.”</span></span></i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> (p. 198 per Rothstein and Moldaver JJ).</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(86)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> Seychelles is not geographically as expansive as Canada. But the hundreds of Seychellois hired for the few days, the detailed work entrusted upon them for the long hours, the stressful condition in which they work where each activity carries a legal meaning is unfamiliar to them. Most of them have had little or no training on or outside a job that comes to them only once every five years. The Electoral Office itself is under tremendous pressure with each one trying to keep his head where many are near losing theirs. If the current system of Canada was not designed to achieve perfection, <i>a fortiori</i> Seychelles, just learning to get into grips with the multi-party system introduced in 1992. Be that as it may a realistic view should be taken of ensuring that progressively this near perfection is achieved.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif">  </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(87)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Rtd. Col. Dr Kizza Besigye v Electoral Commission, Yoweri Kaguta Mueveni [2007] UGSC 24, </b>the Court held:<b> </b></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:113px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">1.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">It was not proved to the satisfaction of the Court, that the failure to comply with the provisions and principles laid down in the Elections Acts and the Constitution, affected the results of the Presidential election in a substantial manner.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:113px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-21.25pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">2.    </span></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The fact that these malpractices were proved to have occurred is not enough. The petitioner had to go further and prove their extent, degree, and the substantial effect they had on the election.</span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(88)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case in hand, the soundness of the reasoning and the conclusion of the learned Judges cannot be impeached, all the more so when the evidence on record portrayed that the focus was on registers rather than on the tally sheets. The few administrative lapses and the reprehensible conduct of the few individuals who were found to have committed illegal practice by the Constitutional Court could not reasonably be said to have corrupted the stream of the electoral process to such a degree that the election should be annulled. The core process that can be regarded as material are: the credibility of the Registration Process; the timely and public issue of Notices; the opportunity given to electors to make up their minds; the transparency in what takes place for the procedure for voting at the polling centres; the confidentiality in the elector casting his vote; the inviolability of the ballot boxes between the start of voting and the start of the counting; the tally in the ballots issued and the ballots counted etc.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">GROUND 4</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:95px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-7.1pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">THE SHIFTING OF THE BURDEN OF PROOF</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(89)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We now turn to address the issue of proof and shifting burden of proof.  The rule bears no repetition that in the trial of the civil matter the burden of proof is on the plaintiff or the petitioner, i.e. the party who brings the lawsuit. It rests upon him to show by a “preponderance of evidence” or “weight of evidence” that “all the facts necessary to obtain a judgment are probable true.” In civil cases, the onus is on he who alleges to both aver and prove his allegation. The defendant has nothing to prove unless he is required to do so under any provision of law. In the event that the defendant has a counter claim, then the burden of proof lies on the defendant in relation to the counter-claim.  There are numerous cases across jurisdictions that have adopted this rule of the common law system for generations.  In hybrid systems, the rule has remained the same where the procedure is adversarial. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(90)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Joseph Constantine Steamship Line Limted V Imperial Smleting Corporation (1942) AC 154,</b> it was held that the burden of proving their claim was upon the claimant, and this burden, they had failed to discharge with the result that the claim had to be dismissed.  This rule has continued to apply in election petitions. Thus, in the case of <b>Opitz vs Wrzesnewskyj  (2012) SCC 55-2012-10-56,</b> it was held that an applicant who seeks to annul an election bears the legal proof throughout.  In the Ugandan case of<b> Col. Dr. Kizza Besigye vs Museveni Yoweri Kaguta And Electoral Commission (2001) UGSC,</b> it was held that the burden of proof in electoral petitions as in other civil cases is settled, it lies on the petitioner to prove his case to the satisfaction of the court.  In the Zambian case of <b>Khalid Mohamed V Attorney General (1983) ZR49</b>, we read:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“A plaintiff must prove his case and if he fails to do so, the mere failure of the opponents” defence does not entitle him judgement.    I would not accept a proposition that even if a plaintiff’s case has collapsed of its inertia or some reason or other, judgment should nevertheless be given to him on that the defence set up by the opponent has also collapsed.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(91)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Nigerian Supreme Court in the case of <b>Buhavi Vs Obsanjo (2005) CLR 7K,</b> stated <i>as follows:</i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:85px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“He who asserts is required to prove such fact by adducing credible evidence.  If the party fails to do so, its case will fail. On the other hand, if the party succeeds in adducing evidence to prove the pleaded facts, it is said to have discharged the burden of proof that rests on it.  The burden is then said to have shifted to the party’s adversary to prove that the fact established b the evidence adduced could not on the preponderance of the evidence result in the Court giving judgment in favour of the party”.</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(92)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In our case, the Constitutional Court applied the rule that he who alleges proves. However, it was the contention of learned counsel that all that he was expected to do was to bring such facts as were within the knowledge of Appellant and thereafter, the burden shifted upon the Respondents to show that there was no illegal practice. The Constitutional Court did not accept that proposition of law. It decided that the burden of proof did not shift  on to the second Respondent to rebut the allegations. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(93)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We would agree with the Constitutional Court for the reasons they gave. From our part, we would add the following. The way the law is worded provides the clue to what proof is needed and on whom rests the onus of anything at all. If the provision of the law is worded in such a way that the elements are indicated therein, then he who alleges needs to both aver and prove all those elements. The other party has nothing to prove. On the other hand, if the provision of the law is worded in such a way that a defence is specifically inbuilt in the section itself or that the defence is provided outside the section, then the burden shifts upon the defence to come up with the elements of exculpation.  An actual example in both situations would be apposite. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(94)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">An illustration where a defence is inbuilt in the very section would be section 51(1)(f) which reads: “A person who, without due authorization, supplies a ballot paper to any person is guilty of an offence.” In such a case, the plaintiff still bears the burden of proving that the defendant had no authority. At that time, the burden shifts upon the defendant to show that he had <i>“due authority.”</i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(95)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">An illustration where the defence is built outside the section of the law is section 45(4) where the illegal practice is found at section 51 but the defence at section 45(4): namely that the illegal act was committed <i>“in good faith through inadvertence or accidental miscalculation or some other reasonable case of a like nature.”</i>   That is the standard rule. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(96)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are not permitted to read or write into section 45(1) something which it does not contain either expressly or impliedly. Section 45(1) provides that “the trial of an election petition shall, subject to this Act, be held in the same manner as a trial before the Supreme Court in its original civil jurisdiction. The legislator did not intend that the burden should shift on the defendant at any stage in an election petition. Section 51(3) (a), (b), or (c) does not contain any such defence either inbuilt in it or outside it, other than what we have just stated. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(97)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Learned Counsel argued that surely all that a petitioner needs to do is to establish all the material facts and then the burden should shift upon the defendant to come up with facts within his knowledge for the purpose of exonerating himself. That proposition which is one of <i>Res Ipsa Loquitor</i> (the facts speak for themselves) does exist but it is applied in limited number of cases in the law of evidence. If a shopper slips and falls in a Supermarket on a spilled Yoghurt, the shopper has nothing more to do than to bring the evidence that she slipped and fell down in the course of doing her shopping. It is then that the evidential burden shifts upon the Supermarket to show that they were not negligent, that their system of health and safety is such that the moment there is a spill on the floor, the attendants clear it within a reasonable time. The facts on which <i>Res Ipsa Loquitur</i> applies relate to an abnormal happening in a normal situation. If a bag of flour falls from a loft upon someone walking in, he may not be expected to do more than adduce evidence of his presence and the fall inasmuch as in the normal course of things, bags do not fall from lofts; if it does, it must be due to the negligence of someone: see <b><i><span style="background:white"><span style="color:#252525">Byrne v Boadle</span></span></i></b> <span style="background:white"><span style="color:#252525">(2 Hurl. &amp; Colt. 722, 159 Eng. Rep. 299, 1863). </span></span>In an election case, the abnormality should be shown for the burden to shift. While it is important that the justice system should encourage litigants to come to court to prove electoral malpractices, courts should bear in mind the statement made in <b>Jugnauth v Ringadoo [supra] </b>that litigants who did not make it at the polls may wish to try their luck through Court.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(98)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We hold, accordingly, that the burden of proof lies solely on the Appellant to prove that there were illegal practices committed in connection with the election and that the Constitutional Court did not err in keeping to the classical application of burden of proof and standard of proof. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(99)     </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">With the above, we come to the standard of proof, burden of proof and the shifting of the evidential burden of proof in the civil cases brought under the Elections Act. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(100)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We acknowledge that there is some Commonwealth jurisprudence on the question that the standard of proof should be higher than the standard of balance of probabilities obtaining in civil cases but lesser than the proof beyond reasonable doubt obtaining in the criminal cases. These cases apply the intermediate standard of proof. One of such cases is <b>Lewanika And Others V Chiluba [1998] ZMSC 11 </b>where the petitioners had alleged that there was bribery, fraud and other electoral irregularities by the Respondent in a presidential election in Zambia and sought its nullification.  Ngulube, CJ, giving the judgment of the court, stated:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“… we wish to assert that it cannot be seriously disputed that parliamentary election petitions have generally long required to be proved to a standard higher that on a mere balance of probability”.</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(101)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">It is clear that according to the case of <b>Lewanika and Others v. Chiluba,</b> the Supreme Court reaffirmed the standard of proof needed in an electoral petition being somewhere between the civil standard, balance of probabilities and the criminal standard of beyond reasonable doubt. The reasoning behind was that, it would be a great injustice to bar a candidate from voting for five years and from contesting elections for that period only on the basis of the standard of balance of probabilities.  When the consequences of evidence would result in serious impairment of one’s constitution rights, the interests of justice demand that a higher standard of proof be adhered to. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(102)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The test used in Zambia is also used in Kenya.  In the Kenyan case of <b>Sarah Mwangudza Kai V Mustafa Id Salim 7 Two Others Malindi Election Petition No.8 Of 2013</b>, the following regarding the special nature of election petitions was stated:-</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“Election petitions are not like ordinary civil suits.  They are unique in many ways.  Besides the fact the they are governed by a special code of electoral laws, they concern disputes which revolve around the conduct of elections in which voters exercise their political rights enshrined under Article 38 of the Constitution  This means that electoral disputes involve not only the parties to the Petition but also the electorate I the electoral area concerned.  It is therefore obvious that they are matters of great public importance and the public interest in their resolution cannot be overemphasized.  And because of this peculiar nature of election petitions, the law requires hat they be proved on a higher standard of proof than the one required proving ordinary civil cases.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(103)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Similarly in the case of <b>Joho V Nyange &amp; Anor (2008) 3 KLR (EP) 500</b>, Maraga J, as he then was, expounded on this principle and explained why election petitions are matters of great public importance and should not be taken lightly.  He expressed himself in the following terms:-</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“Election Petitions are no ordinary suits.  Though they are disputes in rem (?) fought between certain parties, election petitions are nonetheless disputes of great public importance <b>KIBAKI v MOI, Civil Appeal No. 172 of 1988</b>.  This is because when elections are successfully challenged, by-elections court’s decision in <b>Wanguhu Nganga &amp; Anor v Geroge Owite &amp; Anor, Election Petition No. 41 of 1993</b> that “Election Petitions should not be taken lightly.</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(104)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Supreme Court after reviewing several local and foreign decisions on this matter settled the law in Kenya in <b>Odinga v Independent Electoral And Boundaries Commission And Others [2013] EKLR</b> to the effect that:</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“… the threshold of proof should, in principle, be above the balance of probability, though not as high as beyond reasonable doubt – save that this would not affect the normal standards where criminal charges linked to an election, are in question.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(105)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of <b>Jugnauth v Ringadoo</b> [2007 PRV 58] the Law Lords of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council were categorical.  <i>“The courts must simply be satisfied on a balance of probability.”</i></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(106)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> In our view, it would not be right for our jurisdiction to import by judicial legislation a standard slightly higher than that of a balance of probabilities in electoral petitions brought before the court. True it is that annulment of an election is a serious matter but an election is not voided in Seychelles law on the mere occurrence of illegal acts or omissions of compliance. Our Courts need to be satisfied from the facts that the ultimate measure is warranted. Illegal practice by itself is no ground for the avoidance of an election of someone democratically elected. It should be shown that the illegal practices have been so grave, so serious, so widespread that it cannot be said to have been democratic. On the face of it, an election may look democratic but there may be a latent flaw which may impact upon the final outcome by a serious doubt raised in it. In our law, illegal acts may not lead to the nullity of the election of the candidate in question. But once a candidate has knowledge of the illegal practice, once he has given his consent to it and once he has given his approval, he is a corrupt man at the top. Such a corrupt man may not find his seat in Parliament. His election is a fraud and void. If the standard is raised high in civil petitions which has only civil remedies and limited to cases only where the corrupt man is elected, then we are adding unnecessary hurdles in a democratic process. The answer in our view does not lie in changing the rule but ensuring that the rule is properly applied having regard to the principle of proportionality. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(107)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">An election is not voided unless the petitioner shows on a balance of probabilities that it is so multiple, so serious, so prevalent and widespread that it cannot be said that it is by and large or substantially in order.  On the other hand, if there are illegal practices which have occurred in places and times which are few and far between, an election cannot be voided. Those culpable need to pay the penalty prescribed in the civil action. If an analogy is needed, we would use the one which has been used by the Supreme Court of India. The electoral stream should be kept pure. If it is corrupted at the very source, the source should be cut. The source will be corrupted if the candidate has knowledge of the illegal practice and he gives his consent or approval thereto. On the other hand, if it is not the source that is corrupted but the pollution lies in some tributaries which are few are far between, then those tributaries only should be cut to stop supply. On the other hand, if the pollution is so prevalent in most of the tributaries, then it makes sense that the stream itself is to be cut for supply. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(108)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Having dealt with the laws to agency (Ground 1), affecting the result (Grounds 2),  marking of Registers (Grounds 3), burden and standard of proof (Grounds 4). We shall now move to the application of the above to the facts of this case under Grounds 5 to 13. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">THE FACTS</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(109)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The Constitutional Court found that the Appellant had fallen short of proof that there was anything unlawful in the conduct of Mr Rene and Mr Pillay, Dana Valentin and Flossel Francois, Etihad Airways, Mrs Beryl Botsoie, SPDF Officers, James Lesperance, Dolor Ernesta and Indian Ocean Tuna which breached the Elections Act. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(110)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We shall consider them in the order in which they have been raised. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB">GROUNDS 5 &amp; 6</span></b></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr Rene and Mr Pillay</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:1.0cm"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(111)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">It is the contention of learned counsel for the appellant under Grounds 5 and 6 that the Constitutional Court erred in its judgment in not finding that Mr Réné was an agent of the second Respondent on the basis of evidence adduced that he had been the predecessor of the second Respondent as President; that he belonged to the same party and had appeared for the second Respondent in political broadcasts of the second Respondent during the election .All of these factors rendered the possibility that Mr Rene was either the agent of the second Respondent’s knowledge, more probable than not.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(112)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">He also contends that the Constitutional Court erred in its finding that Mr Réné  not been proved to have asked Mr Pillay to vote for the second Respondent in that such a requirement is not a necessary element of the offence.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(113)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We have stated at paragraph 71 above that agency should be made of sterner stuff than inferred from historical, personal, social or political association. That is the jurisprudence in all democratic jurisdictions we have considered. When a committed election supporter is canvassing support of one person in favour of a candidate, it is not always that he reveals his method to the candidate upfront. In many cases, he would do so after he has succeeded. There is in law a lack of a nexus of agency to link Mr Réné with Respondent No. 2.  Agency may not be presumed from ambiguous and equivocal facts but from facts which have probative weight: </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:95px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:104px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-7.1pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“a defaut de circonstances clairement indicatives ou de ces relations particulierement probantes, le mandat ne saurait se presumer.”</span></span></i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"> <b>Encycl.</b> Civil, <b>Dalloz. Mandat, para 86.</b>  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(114)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The fact that Mr Rene belonged to the same party as the second respondent does not in itself make him an agent.  The same is to be said for Mr David Savy.  From the fact that Mrs Beryl Botsoie and Lt. Col. Roseline are government employees, one cannot safely assume that because of their position in these government institutions, they were agents of the Second Respondent. The Constitutional Court was cautious in not opening the net so wide for this case or cases for the future. Positions and ties do not make an agent. At <b>Paragraph 622 of Halsbury’s Law of England</b> we read: </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-left:95px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“The mere fact that the alleged agent is a brother of the candidate or the partner or son of an authorized agent is not sufficient to establish agency.  A confidential employee, even though active in the election, is not necessarily an agent.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(115)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">On the facts, we are unable to disturb the finding of fact of the trial Court that evidence of illegal practice in the conversation between Mr Pillay and Mr Rene was pauce. There is no merit in the argument of the Appellant in this instance. We dismiss it. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 7</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">The case of Dana Valentin and Flossel Francois</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(116)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In the case of Dana Valentin and Flossel Francois, the Appellant had averred that Dana Valentin had secured the release of her companion Flossel Francois in breach of section 51(3)(c) of the Elections Act which provides that a person commits an illegal practice where the person-</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:95px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><i><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">“Directly or indirectly, by that person or by any other person on that person’s behalf, makes any gift, loan, offer, promise, procurement, or agreement referred to in paragraph (b) to or for any person in order to induce such person to procure or to endeavor to procure the vote of a voter at an election.”</span></span></i></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(117)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Evidence had been led to the effect that Dania Valentin who was a supporter of Mr Patrick Pillay shifted her allegiance to the President when the Petition of Presidential Pardon made by her companion Flossel Francois was granted for the latter’s release from prison.  However, any suggestion of illegal practice was rebutted by evidence that there is a set procedure which must be followed for the exercise by the President of Presidential Pardon and on specified grounds. Mr Flossel Francois was released from prison in accordance with the law and on the strength of the Recommendation received from the Advisory Committee on pardons. It was on medical ground as he had a heart condition.  The Appellant had admitted in his evidence that Mr Francois had a heart condition.  The fact that there had been only two other Presidential Pardons which had been granted the previous year, one in June 2015 and another after the election in December 2015 cannot lead to the conclusion that in this case that Respondent No. 2 had committed an illegal practice by discharging his statutory duty under the law. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(118)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The deposition of Tony Dubignon, a former prison inmate, was that he also had a serious heart condition and had applied for 4 Presidential pardons, none of which had been successful.  He was ultimately released from prison on a licence to receive treatment in Chennai because his condition reached a critical state. Evidence was led by Mr Hoareau through the cross-examination of the Appellant that the President does not act on his own in the matter. He is only advised by the Board of an Advisory Committee, which on receiving such applications, examine the application and makes Recommendations on which the President acts. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(119)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Any conclusion that Respondent No. 2 had committed an act of illegal practice by granting the Presidential Pardon as a result of which Mrs. Valentin had shifted her allegiance from the party of Appellant to that of Respondent no. 2 is unsafe. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(120)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Section 51(3)(c) is intended to cover such cases where the first move – whether direct or indirect – is made by the defendant whose acts are called into question. It is not meant to cover such cases where an application is made by a citizen in the normal course of things and the process follows the prescribed course towards a prescribed result. Government does not stop functioning during an election campaign. Nor should it be inhibited from functioning normally when it comes to serving the people for the purpose for which it is elected. The section applies to situations where it is the <u>defendant</u> who “directly or indirectly makes” the impugned move and not where a citizen uses a set procedure to claim a benefit due and follows the correct procedure to obtain the prescribed benefit. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(121)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The finding of the Constitutional Court cannot be disturbed on this aspect of the case.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 8</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">Etihad Airways </span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(122)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">This ground has been abandoned. It is accordingly dismissed for want of prosecution. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 9</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">Mrs Beryl Botsoie</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(123)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">Mr Bernard Georges submitted under Ground 9 that the Constitutional Court erred in its judgment in not finding that Mrs Beryl Botsoie was an agent of the second Respondent, ignoring that Mrs Botsoie was both a head teacher in the government of the second Respondent and his polling agent in an electoral area.  These factors rendered it more probable than not that Mrs Bosoie was an agent of the second Respondent, or at least that he had knowledge of her actions.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(124)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We have addressed this matter above. The same reasoning apples as has been applied in Ground 5 and 6 above. If the nexus rule is not applied, all active public servants would become the agents of out-going governments. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 10</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">SPDF Officers</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(125)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">It is the case of Appellant under Ground 10, that the constitutional Court erred in paragraph 458 of its judgment in not finding that at least Lt Col Roseline was an agent of the second Respondent, or that the second Respondent had knowledge of what Lt Col. Roseline was doing, in that Lt Col Roseline was proved to be the Military Adviser of the Second Respondent, their Commander in Chief.  These factors rendered it more probable than not that all three officers were agents of the second Respondent, or at least that he had knowledge of their actions.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(126)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">For the same reasoning as under Grounds 5, 6 and 9, we are unable to disturb the finding of fact of the Constitutional Court. Many there are in an election who act on their own accord, out of faith, out of choice, out of conviction, out of liking, out of passion, out of common cause or simply out of  self interest. In many situations, the one who should have known is the last to know. In law, inferences drawn should be reasonably drawn from solid facts and not from perceptions.  </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are unable to see any merit in Ground 10 and it is dismissed. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 11</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">James Lesperance</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(127)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">It is the contention of the Appellant that the Constitutional Court erred in not finding that Mr James Lesperance was an agent of the second Respondent, or had been acting with the knowledge of the second Respondent or his agents, in that the coincidence of Mr Lesperance’s presence as a front-line guest at the inauguration of the second Respondent, in the absence of an innocent explanation therefor, rendered proof of agency or knowledge of his actions more probable than not.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(128)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are of the view that we shall be putting 2 and 2 to make it 22 instead of 4 if we subscribed to the conclusion that an inference of agency can be inferred from a front seat given to or taken by someone at a State ceremony. It would have been more probable if he had been given or assumed a prominent position among the hosts rather than among the guests.    </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 12 </span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">The case of Dolor Ernesta</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(129)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">With regard to the case of Dolor Ernesta, the Appellant had averred that Dolor Ernesta had “kidnapped Marie-There Dine, a blind octogenarian” to take her to the voting booth.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(130)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We are unable to see any evidence from which to draw the conclusion that the old blind lady was forced to vote against her will.  Evidence adduced in the court below shows that there was a legitimate exercise that was been carried out in that such facility had to be afforded, including transportation, to the elderly at various polling stations in accordance with section 25(3) of the Act. The averment that the blind old lady was unwashed, uncombed and wearing a dress that was inside out, if anything, shows an authentic picture of taking an elderly to the voting booth, all the more when she is blind. The voter as she is found for the purpose of the exercise of her right to vote. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(131)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The finding and conclusion of the Constitutional Court cannot be disturbed in her case either.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">GROUND 13 </span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%">The case of Indian Ocean Tuna (IOT)</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(132)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">With regard to the case of Indian Ocean Tuna (IOT), the facts were as follows. The Principal Secretary of the Ministry of Finance, Trade and the Blue Economy wrote the General Manager of Indian Ocean Tuna Limited, a company in which the government is a share holder to announce that the government would pay all Seychellois employees of the company earning less that SR15, 000 a month a thirteenth month salary. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"> </span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(133)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">This in the view of the Appellant was caught by section 51(3)(c) whereby Respondent No. 2 had indirectly through the Principal Secretary of the Ministry of Finance, Trade and the Blue Economy and the Indian Ocean Tuna Limited induced them to vote for him.<i> </i>The documentary evidence produced by the Appellant bears out the fact that the payment of a thirteenth month salary had been made.  It also transpired from the evidence that the salary of the Seychellois workers at the Indian Ocean Tuna company was an economic issue which had to be resolved as a matter of policy, so much so that the Appellant himself had made that offer to the workers. What the government of Respondent No. 2 had decided, as far back as June 2015 is to take the cue.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(134)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">The learned Judges decided that the thirteenth month salary was a <i>fait accompli</i>, that the matter was very much in the public arena as it had been Gazetted in November 2015 and that the workers were in a win-win situation regardless of who won the presidential elections.</span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:48px"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(135)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">We agree with the conclusion reached on the matter. The facts do not suggest the commission of an illegal act within the meaning of section 51(3) of the Elections Act.  It cannot be said that the workers were thereby <u>induced</u> to vote for Respondent No. 2. In law, a pro-active government policy decision cannot be said to be an illegal act. Since the issue that been announced by the Appellant himself and implemented by the Respondent no. 2, it is difficult to say who got the credit for same in the ballot box. There were no witness for the Appellant who came forth to give evidence that at any one time Respondent No. 2 reached them to invite them to vote for him for that decision of policy. Unlike in the case of <b>Jugnauth v. Ringadoo</b>, the Minister had met the specific group of Muslims to induce them to vote for him for the policy decision taken by government. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">CONCLUSION</span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(136)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">In conclusion, we hold that the Constitutional Court did not err in applying Seychelles law as to agency for the determination of the relationship between the alleged agents and Respondent No. 2 on whether or not the latter had committed illegal acts; that the impugned non compliance with electoral law were insufficient for a declaration that the election should have been voided or that a recount was called for; that the few illegal practices that were not found proved were not by themselves or by other attendant circumstances of such a nature as to go to the very root of the election so as to render it void; that the burden and the standard of proof was properly applied in the case; and that the conclusions on individual cases where the Court found no agency and no illegal practice cannot be impeached. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"> </p> <p style="margin-bottom:11px; margin-left:47px; text-align:justify; text-indent:-35.45pt"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:11.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">(137)   </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%">All the grounds raised on this appeal having failed, the appeal is dismissed with Costs. </span></span></span></span></span></p> <p class="JudgmentText" style="text-align:justify; text-indent:-36pt; margin-bottom:16px; margin-left:48px"> </p> <p></p></sdt></span> <p style="margin-bottom:16px; text-align:justify"> </p> </div> <p> </p> <p style="margin-top:8px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="C55BA9C1C7654EFA895A4F3EE6AC0F40" id="22920305"><listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> S. Domah (J.A)</sdt></span></span></b></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:24px; margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdtpr></sdtpr><sdt docpart="B6C99C7D42464BB0BC83C201B78790A5" id="4919266" text="t">I concur:.</sdt>                                ………………….                                           </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="02E8333B1E8340CF96981DA638799DDE" id="4919267"><listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> F. MacGregor (PCA)</sdt></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-top:24px; margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:200%"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdtpr></sdtpr><sdt docpart="DAEA639D0EAE45919F6667BA68C8C769" id="4919459" text="t">I concur:.</sdt>                                ………………….                                           </span></span></b><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:200%"><sdt combobox="t" docpart="524399F98DCF4BF592E69555EDEF10C5" id="4919460"><listitem datavalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)" listvalue="F. MacGregor (PCA)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="S. Domah (J.A)" listvalue="S. Domah (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="A.Fernando (J.A)" listvalue="A.Fernando (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="M. Twomey (J.A)" listvalue="M. Twomey (J.A)"></listitem> <listitem datavalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)" listvalue="J. Msoffe (J.A)"></listitem> J. Msoffe (J.A)</sdt></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-bottom:16px"><span style="font-size:10pt"><span style="line-height:150%"><span style="text-autospace:ideograph-numeric ideograph-other"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;,serif"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size:12.0pt" xml:lang="EN-GB"><span style="line-height:150%"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="271074B3FCAA4A3D93C47D24A18953DF" docparttype="Quick Parts" id="8972175" sdtdocpartlist="t">Signed, dated and delivered at Ile du Port on</sdt> <sdt calendar="t" calendartype="Gregorian" date="2016-12-09T00:00:00Z" dateformat="dd MMMM yyyy" docpart="59A9BA75863D45ABB12BB4F3D257A062" id="8972185" lang="EN-GB" maptodatetime="t" xml:lang="EN-GB">09 December 2016</sdt></span></span></span></span></span></span></p> <p style="margin-right:-54px; text-align:justify"> </p> <p><span style="page:WordSection1"><sdt contentlocked="t" docpart="1E8FCCD80AF94DE29707C54092B06D6F"></sdt></span></p> <p align="center" style="text-align:center"> </p> <p></p></div> </div> <p> </p></span></div></div> </div> </div> Thu, 04 Mar 2021 06:02:57 +0000 Anonymous 2812 at http://old2.seylii.org Gill v Registrar of Political Parties (1 of 2011) [2011] SCSC 23 (30 March 2011); http://old2.seylii.org/sc/judgment/supreme-court/2011/23 <span class="field field--name-title field--type-string field--label-hidden">Gill v Registrar of Political Parties (1 of 2011) [2011] SCSC 23 (30 March 2011);</span> <div class="field field--name-field-flynote field--type-entity-reference field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Flynote</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/127" hreflang="x-default">HR</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/128" hreflang="x-default">Democracy</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/129" hreflang="x-default">Participate in government</a></div> </div> </div> <span class="field field--name-uid field--type-entity-reference field--label-hidden"><span>Anonymous (not verified)</span></span> <span class="field field--name-created field--type-created field--label-hidden">Wed, 03/03/2021 - 19:43</span> <div class="field field--name-field-files field--type-file field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Download</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-vnd-openxmlformats-officedocument-wordprocessingml-document file--x-office-document"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scsc/2011/23/2011-scsc-23.docx" type="application/vnd.openxmlformats-officedocument.wordprocessingml.document; length=49935">2011-scsc-23.docx</a></span> </div> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-pdf file--application-pdf"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scsc/2011/23/2011-scsc-23.pdf" type="application/pdf; length=102561">2011-scsc-23.pdf</a></span> </div> </div> </div> <div class="clearfix text-formatted field field--name-body field--type-text-with-summary field--label-hidden field__item"><div type="HEADER"> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.46in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </p> </div> <div dir="LTR" id="Frame1" style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); padding: 0in; border: currentcolor; left: 0in; top: 0in; width: 0.28in; height: 0.02in; position: absolute;"> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><sdfield format="ARABIC" subtype="RANDOM" type="PAGE">31</sdfield></p> </div> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Algerian, fantasy"><font size="5"><u>IN THE SUPREME COURT OF SEYCHELLES</u></font></font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Christopher Gill of </font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Level 3, Docklands, Mahé</font></font> <font color="#ffffff">…..............................................................................</font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><u>Appellant </u></font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Vs</font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Registrar of Political Parties of</font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="fr-BE" xml:lang="fr-BE" xml:lang="fr-BE">Aarti Chambers, Mont Fleuri, Mahé </span><font color="#ffffff"><span lang="fr-BE" xml:lang="fr-BE" xml:lang="fr-BE">..............................................</span></font><span lang="fr-BE" xml:lang="fr-BE" xml:lang="fr-BE"><u>Respondent</u></span> </font></font></p> <p align="RIGHT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="RIGHT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="border-width: medium medium 1.1pt; border-style: none none double; border-color: currentcolor currentcolor rgb(0, 0, 0); padding: 0in 0in 0.02in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><u>Civil Appeal No: 1 of 2011</u></font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Mrs. L. Amesbury for the Appellant</font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Mr. R. Govindan for the Respondent</font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><i><u>D. KARUNAKARAN, J.</u></i></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="4" style="font-size: 16pt;"><u>JUDGMENT</u></font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The last decade of the Twentieth Century will not be forgotten in the political history of Africa. This was the decade when the freedom struggle against the last vestiges of racial oppression in Africa, came to an end. <i>Nelson Mandela </i>wrote a eulogy to his <i>long walk to freedom.</i> The Rainbow Nation was in full blossom on the horizon of Good Hope. The People of Seychelles - after experiencing a cycle of different political systems - eventually attained political maturity and national stability. They embarked on their historic voyage from a single-party state towards a vibrant pluralist democracy. They ensured that the torch of liberty was passed on from one generation to another to burn forever as steady as a lighthouse on their shores.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">In 1993, their voyage began with a dream – The Seychellois Dream - if I may call it that, a dream of a modern Sovereign Democratic Republic, in which life was better, richer and fuller for every Seychellois without discrimination, whether based on race, colour, religion, creed, sex or political views; with equality of opportunity to enjoy freedom, justice, welfare, fraternity, peace and unity.</span></font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Their dream was not based on an illusion but on a vision that sprouted from their ability to go beyond the obvious, to see the invisible and touch the future. Their dream is not about problem-solving, but the pre-emption and prevention of problems</span></font></font><span style="font-weight: normal;">. </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The people of Seychelles thus decided to rewrite their own political destiny and they did with a style of their own. </span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Differing political thoughts converged, were reconciled and conceived in consonance. The Constitution of Seychelles (The Third Republic) was born after much brainstorming, reflection, ideological debate and intellectual-labour and finally delivered through referendum. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The Seychellois Dream” has now taken shape with roots that give it a stronghold on ground realities and wings that give it the ability to reach new heights. It is beautifully animated in the Preamble, which I am sure we all know, is a part of the Constitution </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i>(vide S. R. Bommai Vs. Union of India AIR 1994 SC p1918). </i></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">The</span></i></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Preamble is a key to reaching into the minds of the makers of it. The People of Seychelles solemnly resolved to constitute Seychelles into a Sovereign Democratic Republic. The people, as descendents of different races had learnt to live together as one People and as one Nation under God constituting a classless society. They wished to serve as an example for a harmonious multi-racial society. They proclaimed so in the Preamble. They recognised the inherent dignity, equality and inalienable rights of all members of the human family. They reaffirmed, in the Preamble, that these rights include the pursuit of happiness free from all types of discrimination. </span></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Pluralism flourished. People celebrated Unity in Diversity. The Constitution of Seychelles proclaimed a philosophy of its own founded on all these ideals, hopes, intentions, wishes and the aspirations of the people. This is the essence of “The Seychellois Dream”</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Although this “dream” is the perpetual pursuance of a unique goal that is close to the heart and sacred to every right-thinking Seychellois man and woman, some individuals, who have indeed, embraced the same democratic system, do not endorse the </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">General Will”</font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>(vide Rousseau's Social Contract Theory 1762 Treatise)</i></font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">of the people of Seychelles. For reasons best known to them, they disown “The Seychellois Dream”. They aspire to teardown that “dream” and create a wonderland of their own based on </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Individual Will”</font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>(vide Rousseau's supra)</i></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">. These individuals do not subscribe to the Seychellois philosophy of </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">O</font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>ne People-One Nation</i></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">. They wish to fragment society and compartmentalise the people. They do not realise that for a state, the size and composition of Seychelles, unity is our greatest strength and means of survival amongst the many countries that dwarf us. They do not believe that men are born equal and all Seychellois are equal before law and equal in civil and political status. They do not believe in a classless society. For them, there are and ought to be two classes of citizens. They claim that one class or breed self-styled as </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Seselwa Rasin”</i></font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">amongst the people of Seychelles, is superior to the other class, whom they tag </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Seselwa Fabrike”</i></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">. They do not accept the existing Constitutionalism nor have they had any respect for the equality and dignity of human beings. They want to do away with the Constitution of the Third Republic. They refuse to share or be part of “The Seychellois Dream” enshrined in the Constitution. They want to have the exclusive right to politically control and govern Seychelles. They want to establish a government of the </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Rasin”</i></font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">by the </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Rasin”</i></font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">and for the </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Rasin”</i></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">. They believe and expressly state that the </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Seselwa Resin</font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">have a duty and obligation to remove the “</span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">PP</font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Collaborators” (presumably, </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">PP</font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">means </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">P</font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">arty in </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">P</font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">ower) from power, unless they renounce their collaboration. According to them, the removal of the </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">PP</font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Collaborators from power must be accomplished, first, by exhausting all peaceful means available, and then, as an absolute last resort, </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><u>by Revolutionary Direct Action.</u></font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Undoubtedly, what matters for them is the end, not the means. This is the essence of their political thoughts, beliefs, agenda and their ultimate dream, a dream obviously, based on an illusion. </span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">These individuals want to rewrite the political philosophy and the destiny of every Seychellois and of the generations to come. In short, they want to establish a “Fourth Republic” founded on a political philosophy of their choice. To achieve that, they need political power. To acquire that power, they obviously need a political organisation. Hence, they have now organised themselves as a “Political Group”. According to them, since the present Constitution has given them freedom of thought, belief, expression and all civil and political rights, they have the fundamental right to express their political views and do away with the present Constitution. Moreover, since the Constitution has guaranteed and conferred on them the right to form a political party, they want to have their “Political Group” registered as a political party in Seychelles.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Is this Political Group entitled to be registered in the eye of law, as a Political Party in Seychelles?</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">This is the question that arose before the Registrar of Political Parties for determination. The Registrar answered in the negative. Now, the Court is invited to review his decision and pronounce on the correctness, accuracy, legality, constitutionality and propriety of his decision. Hence this Judgment.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">This matter is before the Court by way of an appeal preferred by the appellant under Section 8(1) of the Political Parties (Registration and Regulation) Act (Chapter 173) (hereinafter referred to as the “Act”) against the refusal of the Registrar of Political Parties (hereinafter referred to, as the “Registrar”) to register a political group called “<i>Mouvment Seselwa Rasin”</i> (hereinafter referred to, as the “MSR”), as a “Political Party” under the provisions of the Act.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">One Mr. Christopher Gill, a resident of Praslin, who claims to be the leader of MSR, - hereinafter called the “appellant” - submitted an application to the Registrar on the 13<sup>th</sup> July 2010, in the prescribed form for the registration of MSR as a political party. The application was made in terms of Section 5 of the Act, which reads thus: </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -1.73in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">5. (1) A political party consisting of not less than 100 </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -1.73in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">registered members may apply in the prescribed form to the Registrar for registration under this Act.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.4in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(2) An application for registration shall be signed by the office bearers of the political party and shall be accompanied by </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(a) two copies of the constitution, rules and political programme or manifesto of the party duly certified by the leader of the party,</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(b) the particular of the registered office of the party;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(c) a list giving the name, address and national identity number of not less than 100 registered members of the party;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(d) a list giving the name, address and national identity number of the leader and other office bearers of the party;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(e) such further information or document as the Registrar may require for the purpose of satisfying himself that the application complies with this Act or that the party is entitled to be registered under this Act.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.4in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(3) A list referred to in paragraph (c) and paragraph (d) shall be signed by each of the persons named therein.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.4in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(4) A person shall not be considered to be a member of a political party for the purposes of this Act unless  </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(a) he has attained the age 18 years;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(b) he is a Seychellois; and</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(c) he is resident in Seychelles.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The application was thus duly signed by the office bearers of MSR and accompanied by all documents required under Section 5 (supra). The application was under consideration by the Registrar. During that time, one of the office bearers, Mr. Francis Gill, whose name appeared in the original list submitted to the Registrar, was withdrawn by the applicant. Be that as it may, the Registrar meticulously scrutinised all the documents accompanied the application, including the Constitution of the MSR and the relevant provisions of law. Thus, after giving due consideration to the application, the Registrar rejected the application. He refused registration of MSR as a political party in terms of Section 7 of the Act. This Section is couched in the following terms:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -1.1in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">7. (1) The Registrar may refuse to register a political </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -1.1in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">party if he is satisfied that  </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(a) the application is not in conformity with this Act;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(b) the name of the party  </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.38in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 2.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(i) is identical to the name of a registered political party or a political party which has been cancelled under this Act or a political party whose application precedes the present application;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.38in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 2.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(ii) so nearly resembles the name of a registered political party or a political party which has been cancelled under this Act or a political party whose application precedes the present application as to be likely to deceive the members of the party or the public; or</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.38in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 2.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.38in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 2.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(iii) is provocative or offends against public decency or contrary to any other written law as to be undesirable;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(c) any purpose or object of the party is unlawful.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(2) A political party shall be deemed to have a purpose</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">or object which is unlawful for the purposes of this Act if </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(a) it seeks, directly or indirectly, to further ethnical, racial or religious discrimination or discrimination on the ground of colour;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(b) it advocates or seeks to effect political changes in the Republic through violence or unlawful means;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(c) it seeks to secede any part of the Republic from the Republic.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">(3) For the purposes of determining whether a political party has an unlawful purpose or object the Registrar </span><u>may consider any document </u><u><span style="font-weight: normal;">(</span></u><span style="font-weight: normal;">underline mine), statement or matter made by or on behalf of the political party or by an office bearer of the party.</span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(4) Where the Registrar refuses to register a political party, he shall forthwith serve upon the party a notice in writing to this effect and shall specify the ground for his refusal.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Having thus refused registration, the Registrar accordingly, served upon the appellant a notice in writing dated 12<sup>th</sup> October 2010 specifying the grounds for his refusal.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The grounds specified by the Registrar in his notice <i>inter alia</i>, read (in verbatim) thus:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">According to the Political Party (Registration and Regulation) Act, 1991 no party can be registered if its objects are unlawful.</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>The objects of a political party are reflected in a political party’s constitution.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>I have scrutinized the applicant’s constitution in the light of the provisions of the said Act and highlight some of the salient issues:</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ul> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Article IV provides that the applicant has the exclusive (sic) to political control and to govern Seychelles.</i></font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Article VII provides that the applicant will create two categories of citizenship one for naturalized Seychellois and the other naturally born Seychellois. Upon assuming power the former that the applicant called “fabrike” is entitled to be <u>to be</u> (sic) deported.</i></font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Article XV and XIII promotes revolutionary changes of government.</i></font></font></p> </li> </ul> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">All the above provisions are contrary to Article 1 of the Seychelles Constitution which creates Seyche1les as a democratic Republic, which is defined in Article 47 of the Constitution (sic) as inter alia, where there exist the existence of human right and tolerance of the freedoms and right of others and where political changes occurs through the democratic process. </span>The constitution of the applicant is unlawful.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Under Section 7 (of the said Act), I hereby reject your application for the registration of Mouvman Selselwa Rasin as a political party.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>However, if you are aggrieved by this decision you may appeal to the Supreme Court within 21 days of this notice.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>H. Gappy (Sd)</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Registrar of Political Parties</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The appellant being aggrieved by the above decision wrote a letter dated 14<sup>th</sup> October 2010 to the Registrar, which inter alia reads thus:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Dear Mr. Gappy,</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>I am writing further to your Letter dated October 12, 2010 in which you rejected the application of Mouvman Seselwa Rasin. Reason being the constitution is unlawful......</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Beliefs cannot be illegal in a democratic society. It is absurd. Beliefs of a party cannot be contrary to law or unlawful, if the belief is intended to change the law once given a mandate...</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Revolution is a reality of all States and standard political dictum in any society....</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Attorney Conrad Lablache has suggested to reword the Manifesto to placate your obvious nervousness in regards to MSR registration. The language can be interpreted in the wrong light especially when your office is dabbling in constitutional interpretation without any standards of interpretation in place.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Standards of interpretation must be in place and known to the public, before an apparatus of the State can know how to rule on a fundamental right. </i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>In order to do this, our member will be consulted and they will be undertaking an exercise to review our manifesto. Their comments will be compiled and opinion noted we submit an alternative manifesto to you.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Sincerely,</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Christopher Gill (Sd)</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Leader, MSR”</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Subsequently, on the 21<sup>st</sup> October 2010, the Registrar received the “Second Submission of the MSR Manifesto” - supposed to be in consonant with the Constitution and laws of Seychelles - from the appellant in respect of his application for registration. In fact, the Second Submission of the MSR manifesto was nothing but a replica of the first one that was originally submitted to the Registrar. The contents in respect Articles IV, VII, XV, and XIII were the same except its jacket that carried a change of title from “The Constitution of MSR” to read “Manifesto of MSR”. The Registrar, again refused registration in his letter dated 4<sup>th</sup> November addressed to the appellant stating in verbatim thus:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">I acknowledge receipt of the second submission to this Office in respect to the application to register Mouvman Selselwa Rasin as a political party.</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>In my opinion Articles IV, XIII and XV of your Manifesto are not in consonant with the provision of Section 7 of Cap 173. You should revisit these Articles.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>I regret to inform you that your application for the registration of Mouvman Selselwa Rasin as a political party is hereby rejected.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>(Sd) H. Gappy </i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Registrar of Political Parties”</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">In response to this letter, the appellant again submitted another Manifesto of MSR entitled the “Third submission” to the Registrar again insisting on the registration of MSR as a political party. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Obviously, the Third Submission is also nothing but the same old wine in a new bottle. The appellant had made some cosmetic changes to the previous one but in pith and substance both constituted the same political ideology. The changes were superficial. For instance:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Article II was changed to read as follows: </span>Day of Betrayal and Atonement<span style="font-weight: normal;">: Henceforth, June 5</span><sup><span style="font-weight: normal;">th</span></sup><span style="font-weight: normal;">of every year shall continue as a national holiday to be remembered by all Seselwa Rasin as the Day of Betrayal and of Atonement. On this day, we will henceforth remember the betrayal of </span><i>Sesel pou Seselwa</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">and atone for the ways we individually may have personally betrayed </span><i>Sesel Pou Seselwa</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">in the prior year and resolve and define ways to improve our individual commitment and dedication to </span><i>Sesel Pou Seselwa</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">during the coming year”</span></font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol start="2"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Article IV in the original Constitution of MSR read thus:</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Seselwa Rasin have the exclusive right to politically control and govern Seychelles. Seselwa Rasin have the exclusive right to be elected to, or appointed to, any position in Seychelles that involved governing, or which has any powers </span></i></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><u>to govern, any part of Seychelles” </u></i></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">(underline mine)</span></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">This</span> <span style="font-weight: normal;">Article was also completely deleted in the Third submission and replaced by the following:</span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">POLITICAL CONTROL OF SEYCHELLES”</span></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>MSR shall pursue amendments to the Constitution to ensure that no “Fabrike” shall be permitted to seek any political office in the Republic and for all posts of high office to be reserved for Seselwa Rasin”</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol start="3"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Article VII in the original Constitution of MSR that created two classes of Citizens was kept intact in the Third Submission. </font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol start="4"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Article XV in the original Constitution of MSR read thus:</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">If direct revolutionary action is needed, every</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Seselwa Rasin must do all that he or she can do to</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>assist in the effort, even if that is simply providing</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i><u>those who are engaged,</u></i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">(underline mine)</span><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">with a glass of water”</span></i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">This Article too was completely deleted in the Third submission and replaced as below:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.88in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Due Process of Law: No Seselwa Rasin shall be denied life, liberty, property, privacy, equality of opportunity and the pursuit of happiness without due process of law”.</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.13in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol start="5"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Article XIII of the original Constitution of MSR read thus:</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">REMOVAL OF PP COLLABORATORS</span></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">We Seselwa Rasin have a duty and obligation to remove the PP Collaborators from power, unless they renounce their collaboration and implement Sesel Pou Seselwa. The removal of the PP Collaborators from power must be accomplished first by exhausting all peaceful means available, and then, as an absolute last resort, </span><u>by Revolutionary Direct Action. .. </u><span style="font-weight: normal;">(Underline mine)</span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">This Article was completely deleted in the Third submission and replaced to read as below:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">SESELWA RASIN - SELF-EDUCATION - RECRUITMENT-DEFENSE</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>It is the duty of every Seselwa Rasin to politicize and educate himself or herself about The Rasin-ist Creed, and thereafter, to recruit, educate and politicize three other persons about the Rasin-ist Creed and to become a Rasin-ist, who in turn must do the same thing.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>It is the duty and obligation of every Rasin-ist to educate himself or herself according to each individual’s highest abilities and capabilities so that each Rasin-ist may have the highest level of skill, abilities and capabilities to individually protect and defend Sesel Pou Seselwa and the principles contained in the Rasin-ist Creed”</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The Registrar, having been again dissatisfied with the contents of the Third Submission again refused registration and served upon the appellant a notice in writing dated 13<sup>th</sup> November 2010 accordingly, specifying the grounds for his refusal. The said notice reads <i>in verbatim</i>, thus:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.38in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.81in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">The Third Submission for the registration of “Mouvman Seselwa Rasin,” as a political party, is not substantially dissimilar to the previous ones. You are still insisting to discriminate between groups of Seychellois; ie between what you call the Seselwa Rasin and the non- Seselwa Rasin.</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.81in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>This is a clear violation of the Constitution of the Republic of Seychelles and also the Political Party (Registration and Regulation) Act.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.81in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Pursuant to Section 7(4) of the Political Party (Registration and Regulation) Act, I hereby give you notice on the above stated grounds and I shall not register the “Mouvman Seselwa Rasin”.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.81in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.81in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>H.P. Gappy (Sd)</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.81in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>REGISTRAR OF POLITICAL PARTIES”</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The appellant being aggrieved by the decision of the Registrar’s refusal, to register MSR as a political party, has now appealed to this Court against the entire decision on the following grounds: </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>The reasons given by the Respondent for refusing to register the political party is devoid of merit and contrary to Section 7 of the Political Party (Registration and Regulation) Act, and is therefore illegal; and</i></font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>By refusing to register the political party the Respondent has violated the rights of the Appellant’s under Articles 21(1) ‘freedom of thought’, Art., 23 “to form or belong to a political party” Art. 24(a) and Art. 22(1) “freedom of expression.”</i></font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.31in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Mrs. Alexia Amesbury, Learned counsel for the appellant submitted in essence that the original “MSR Constitution” first submitted to the Registrar, was subsequently amended and replaced by the MSR Manifesto (the Third Submission), which does not contain anything unlawful, illegal or unconstitutional. Seychelles is a democratic country and every Seychellois has a fundamental right to hold or subscribe to any political view or belief and to believe in any political ideology. The appellant as a Seychellois has every political and civil rights to hold and express any political belief and to form a political party and to have it registered under the Act. Accordingly, the appellant applied for registration of the MSR. He complied with all statutory requirements in terms of Section 5 of the Act (vide supra). Hence, the appellant is entitled to have the MSR registered as a political party. That is a fundamental human right of the appellant or that of any other Seychellois for that matter. However, the Registrar unlawfully and illegally refused to register for no valid reason. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Moreover, it is the submission of Mrs. Amesbury that (i) “freedom of thought and expression” and (ii) right to form or belong to a political party are fundamental human right. They are guaranteed not only by the Constitution of Seychelles under the Seychellois Charter of Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms as sacrosanct, but also by the “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights” (ICCPR) to which Seychelles is a party having signed and ratified it. According to counsel, the Registrar’s decision in refusing registration is not only illegal but such decision is in gross violation of the appellant’s fundamental human right guaranteed by the Seychelles’ Constitution as well as by the International Instrument. In support of her submission, counsel also cited the case of </span><i>Partridul Cmunistilor and Ungureanu V. Romania Application No: 46626/99 –</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">the judgment of which was delivered by the European Court of Human Rights on 3</span><sup><span style="font-weight: normal;">rd</span></sup><span style="font-weight: normal;">February 2005. </span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">For these reasons, Mrs. Amesbury urged the Court to allow the appeal and direct the Registrar to register “<i>Moument Seselwa Rasin”</i> as a “Political Party” under the provisions of the Act.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">On the other side, Honourable Attorney General Mr. Govinden submitted in essence that the decision of the Registrar to refuse registration is proper, lawful, legal and constitutional. The impugned decision is in consonant with the provisions of the Act and that of the Constitution of Seychelles. Indeed, Mr. Govinden in his submission read out and drew the attention of the Court to a number Articles found in the MSR Manifesto, which are in violation of various provision of the statutes and the Constitution of Seychelles. He clearly demonstrated to the Court how the appellant’s attempt to register MSR as a political party would destroy every fabric of our society and the democratic system. The MSR’s intended discrimination and the classification of people into “Seychellois Rasin” and “Seychellois Fabrike” not only violate various provisions of our Constitution but also violate “International Human Right Norms”. He also drew an analogy between the MSR Manifesto and the so-called Nuremberg Laws, which Hitler had decreed against the Jews in the Nazi Germany creating classification of its citizens and the resultant holocaust. Furthermore, Mr. Govindan submitted that purpose and object of the MSR (vide Article XV and XIII of the Manifesto) is to bring about political changes including change of government through revolutionary means. This is unconstitutional and unlawful. Hence, according to Honourable AG, the decision of the Registrar is lawful. He rightly refused registration of MSR as a political party in terms of Section 7 (1) (c) of the Act (vide supra).</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">For these reasons, Honourable Attorney General urged the Court to uphold the decision of the Registrar refusing registration and dismiss this appeal accordingly.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">I meticulously examined all the documents produced by the parties including all correspondence between the appellant and the Registrar of Political Parties in this matter. I diligently perused the relevant provisions of the Constitution of Seychelles and other related laws as well as the Romanian case law cited by Learned Counsel Mrs. Amesbury. I gave careful thought to the arguments advanced by counsel on both sides, far and against this appeal. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">At the outset, it is pertinent to note that Section 7 (3) of the Act (vide supra) clearly empowers the Registrar to consider </span><i><u><span style="font-weight: normal;">any document</span></u></i><i>,</i> <i><span style="font-weight: normal;">statement or matter made by or on behalf of the political party or by an office bearer of the party,</span></i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">for the purposes of determining whether a political party has an unlawful purpose or object. Evidently, the Act has given an unfettered discretion to the Registrar in so far as the consideration of all relevant documents in this respect. Hence, the Court holds that it was lawful, proper and reasonable for the Registrar to examine and consider all documents that emanated from the appellant including the First, Second and Third Submissions for the purpose of determining on the registration of MSR as a political party. To my mind, and in law he has rightly done so in this matter. </span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Moreover, I find that all certified copies of the documents produced by the Registrar as exhibits herein, are obviously, official documents, maintained in the course of his official duties and kept at his office as official record. They are indeed, public document. For all legal intents and purposes, they are presumed to be genuine and authenticated documents, in the absence of any evidence to the contrary vide Latin Maxim: <i>omnia praesumuntur legitime facta donec probetur in contrarium. </i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Be that as it may, I will now move on to the merits of the case. Needless to say, political parties constitute the lifeblood of democracy. Without political parties, democracy loses its meaning. Although political parties in civilized democracies differ in their political beliefs and ideology, they all share certain </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">characteristic features</span></i></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">in common. Indeed, they all basically espouse an expressed <a class="western" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ideology">ideology</a> or vision bolstered by a written <a class="western" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Party_platform">platform</a> with specific goals aiming for the betterment of the nation and its people. The aims of political parties shall be based on respect for the nation's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and for democracy. They all recognise the citizens’ equality before the law and equal protection of laws. They uphold the unity, security and dignity of the nation. They all believe in the ballots and in democracy, not in the bullets and in oligarchy or anarchy. The primary objective of a political party is to influence government policy, usually by nominating their own candidates and trying to seat them in political office. They compete for political power to form their own government and implement their policy. Political Parties participate in <a class="western" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elections">electoral campaigns</a>, educational outreach or protest actions. When they are in power they try to ensure good governance through good people and good laws; preserve public accountability and transparency; they try to narrow down the gap between the rhetoric and the reality, although the gap has a perpetual tendency to reopen. Above all, the means employed to achieve the aims of political parties shall be in accordance with the existing Constitutional framework and legal order of the nation. As I observe, these are the standard elements found as </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i>characteristic features</i></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">of Political Parties that vie for political power in a democratic system. </span></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Bearing the above standards in mind, I carefully perused the Political Manifesto of MSR. On the face of it, it seems to me that MSR’s aims, objects and its intended activities do not reflect those general </span><i>characteristic features</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">normally expected of any responsible political party in any Pluralistic Democratic Society. </span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><u>Unconstitutionality</u></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">From a meticulous examination of the documents on record I find that the MSR's constitution, in Article XV and XIII (vide supra) undoubtedly, promotes, advocates and incites change of government by revolution. They believe that if the ballots could not bring about the change they want, they will resort to the bullets as last resort. They say they will engage their cadets to achieve it <b>by Revolutionary Direct Action</b>. Besides, they impose a legal obligation on all Seychellois men and women to assist those cadets in their engagement by providing them at least, a glass of water. Thus, the MSR strives to gain political power in order to establish their <b>Class Rule</b> undermining the “<b>Rule of Law”</b> and “<b>Democracy”</b>. This means that the Constitutional and legal order in place since 1993 in Seychelles has been inhumane and unacceptable to them, to the so-called <b>Seselwa Rasin.</b> <i>Is this not a glaring unconstitutional thinking, belief, attitude and unlawful object and approach? </i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">According to MSR, the existing Constitution of Seychelles should be eliminated, whatever the means employed but it ought to be replaced by what they believe in. Is this not an <b>abrogation of the existing Constitution of Seychelles? </b><i>Is this not a threat to the </i><i><b>Sovereignty of the Nation?</b></i> <i>Alas! Here, the image that comes to my mind, is that of a man attempting to saw off the very branch he is sitting on. </i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Again, under Article IV of the Manifesto of MSR, they claim </span><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Seselwa Rasin have the exclusive right to politically control and govern Seychelles. Is this not a threat to our </span></i><i>Popular Pluralist</i> <i>Democracy and Republicanism? </i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">In the same breath, they say that they shall have power “</span></i><i><u>to govern any part of Seychelles”.</u></i> <i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Is this not a threat to the </span></i><i>territorial integrity</i> <i><span style="font-weight: normal;">of the Nation?</span></i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><u><b>Freedom of Thought, Belief and Expression</b></u></font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The appellant Mr. Gill also expressed his conviction in open Court that mere belief cannot be illegal in a democratic society. He claimed that he has the Constitutional right to believe in any political philosophy of his choice. </font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">I quite agree with him. He has a right to believe in any philosophy that predominates his mind, provided such belief is not wrong or erroneous and does not infringe the rights of other right-thinking people in society. In fact, human belief is an abstract entity, a synthesis - if I may use the dialectic term. It is based on the perception of reality by a human mind (see, Hegel’s dialectic philosophy). As long as it remains as a belief - a thought unexpressed - within the mind of the believer, nobody will bother or read his mind to verify, whether it is a right belief or wrong belief. The believer may enjoy his freedom of belief within his mind, without any restriction imposed by anyone for any reason whatsoever. However, if the same belief is once expressed, relied and acted upon either by the believer himself or by any other person for that matter, and if that act results in harm or likely to result in harm to </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i>his neighbour,</i></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">then such belief whether political or otherwise, is liable to be scrutinised as this Court now does herein. And, if it is found to be wrong, then that belief is liable to be condemned as it adversely affects the interest of his neighbour. Incidentally, I should mention that I use the term </span></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“</span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i>neighbour”</i></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">herein, in a broad sense as used in the “golden rule” </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">(thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself - Leviticus 19:28)</span></i></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">that sense was extended by </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i>Lord Atkin </i></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">from the </span></span></font></font><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Sermon on the Mount</span></span></font></font></em><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">to the law of negligence in </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i>Donoghue v. Stevenson <a class="autolink_findcases_inserted" href="http://www.bailii.org/uk/cases/UKHL/1931/3.html" title="View Case">[1931] UKHL 3</a>; <a class="autolink_findcases" href="/cgi-bin/LawCite?cit=%5b1932%5d%20AC%20562" title="View LawCiteRecord">[1932] AC 562</a></i></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">(House of Lords), the most famous case in the common law. I prefer to extend it further to the law of human rights and freedoms. </span></span></font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Now, one might ask: Who, then in law, is my neighbour? The answer seems to be- “persons who are so closely and directly affected by my act that I ought reasonably to have them in contemplation as being so affected when I am directing my mind to the acts or omissions based on my beliefs, which are called in question.” Indeed, the active man, who acts on wrong beliefs, is more dangerous to society than the one who is blissfully ignorant of the subject matter and remains inactive. As </span><i>Thomas Jefferson</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">once mentioned </span>“<i>Ignorance is preferable to error; and he is less remote from the truth who believes nothing, than he who believes what is wrong”</i><span style="font-weight: normal;">. Obviously, the appellant in this matter is too remote from the truth as he believes in what is wrong in the eye of law. </span></font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">In any event, the exercise of one’s civil or political right is always subject to non-infringement of the rights of others. This reminds me of a story, that an Englishman walked along swinging his walking-stick and it struck the nose of another person. When the injured person objected, the wielder of the walking-stick said that England had ensured freedom to all people and that in swinging his walking-stick he was only exercising his right. The objector then replied “<i>Sir, your freedom ends where my nose begins”.</i></font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">As rightly submitted by the appellant’s counsel, it is true that our Constitution has ensured freedom and fundamental human rights including the “Right to form political parties” to all people without discrimination. I endorse her proposition in this respect. For, freedom is an indivisible word. If we want to enjoy it and fight for it, we must be prepared to extend it to everyone; whether they are rich or poor; whether they agree with us or not; no matter; whatever be their race, religion, creed or colour of the skin; and whatever be the political belief or philosophy that predominates their mind; but we must be prepared to extent it to all. That is the bottom-line.</font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The appellant’s understanding on the concept of “</span><i>free individuality”</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">(the freedom of thought, speech, expression and action) appears to be biased against the State. His understanding is obviously, based on the wrong belief that </span><i>individualism</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">is above the </span><i>concept of State</i><span style="font-weight: normal;">. As German philosophers Kant, Fichte and Hegel rightly propounded that the legal philosophy of </span>free individuality<span style="font-weight: normal;">, ought to be based on human mind that is, on the self-consciousness of a reasonable being. After all, man is a social animal (per Aristotle)! By nature, he lives in community and ought to interact with other fellow human beings for survival and civilisation. Freedom of action of one human being should respect the equal right of another. Firstly, Individual Freedom is of necessity mutual. Secondly, the sphere of legal relations is that part of mutual personal relations, which regulates the recognition and definition of the respective sphere of liberty, on the basis of free individuality. Thirdly, the State comes in to control and regulates the rights of the individuals.</span></font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The relationship between the individual and the State is based on three principles:-</font></font></p> <ol> <li> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The individual becomes a member of the State by the due performance of civic duties and acquires his contractual status as a citizen.</font></font></p> </li> <li> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The law guarantees and limits the rights of the individual; and</font></font></p> </li> <li> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Outside the sphere of civic duties, the individual is free and responsible only to himself. In that mode he is a man, not a citizen.</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Contrary to these principles, the appellant’s political belief in effect, does not allow the individual to become a member of the State by the due performance of his civic duties. The appellant does not recognise the law that guarantees and limits the rights of individuals. He simply wants an individual to be free and be responsible only to himself as a man, but not to the State, as a citizen.</font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Besides, it must, however, be understood that fundamental rights are not absolute rights. They are subject to restrictions and “rule of law”. Thus our Constitution tries to strike a balance between the individual rights and social interest. Although our Constitution guarantees the right to form political parties to all people, it also stipulates that such right is subject to restrictions as can be imposed under Article 23(2) of the Constitution by a law and necessary in a <i>democratic society</i>. The required law, that is: the Political Parties (Registration and Regulation) Act is in place and in force that has, as contemplated by the Constitution, imposed such restriction as is “necessary in a democratic society” to protect the rights and freedoms of others. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">For the purpose of determining whether such a restriction is necessary in a democratic society, the adjective “necessary”, within the meaning of Article 23 (2), implies the existence of a “pressing social need”.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The Court reiterates that its examination of whether the refusal to register MSR as a political party met a “pressing social need” must concentrate on the following points: </font></font></p> <ol type="i"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">whether there is plausible evidence on record to show that MSR’s objective is to jeopardize democracy and rule of law;</font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">whether the intended <b>Class Rule</b>, <b>Revolutionary Direct Action</b>, A<b>brogation of the Constitution, Classification of Citizenry</b> and all these factors taken together constitute the mission, vision and the objective of the political group, for which the appellant seeks registration as a political party. </font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">whether the model of society conceived and advocated by MSR is compatible with the concept of a “democratic society”; and </font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Its overall examination of the above points must also take into account of the historical context in which the refusal to register the party concerned took place.</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The task of Court herein is not to take the place of the Registrar of Political Parties and decide on the issue of registration: but rather to review under Section 8 of the Act, the decisions he made in exercise of the power, conferred on him by Section 7 (1) of the Act. This does not mean that the Court's supervision is limited to ascertaining whether the Registrar exercised his discretion, lawfully, reasonably, carefully and in good faith. It must look at the refusal complained of in the light of the case as a whole, in order to determine whether it was “proportionate to the legitimate aim if any, pursued” by MSR, and whether the reasons given by the Registrar to justify his refusal are “relevant and sufficient”. In so doing, the Court has to satisfy itself that the Registrar applied standards which were in conformity with the principles embodied in the Constitution and the Act and, moreover, that he based his decisions on an acceptable assessment of the relevant facts vide Romanian case cited supra and see, </span></font></font><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">mutatis mutandis</span></font></font></em><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">, </span></font></font><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Ahmed and Others v. the United Kingdom</span></font></font></em><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">, judgment of 2 September <a class="autolink_findcases" href="/cgi-bin/LawCite?cit=1998%20Co%20Rep%201998%2dVI" title="View LawCiteRecord">1998, </a></span></font></font><a class="autolink_findcases" href="/cgi-bin/LawCite?cit=1998%20Co%20Rep%201998%2dVI" title="View LawCiteRecord"><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Reports </span></font></font></em><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">1998-VI</span></font></font></a><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">, pp. 2377-78, § 55, and </font></font><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Goodwin v. the United Kingdom</span></font></font></em><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">, judgment of 27 March <a class="autolink_findcases" href="/cgi-bin/LawCite?cit=1996%20Co%20Rep%201996%2dII" title="View LawCiteRecord">1996, </a></span></font></font><a class="autolink_findcases" href="/cgi-bin/LawCite?cit=1996%20Co%20Rep%201996%2dII" title="View LawCiteRecord"><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Reports </span></font></font></em><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">1996-II</span></font></font></a><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">, pp. 500-01, § 40).</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">It is truism that while in a dictatorship laws are enforced; in a democracy laws are voluntarily observed. The rule of law in a democracy must be maintained by inner-restraints and self-discipline. But, maintained, it must be. This applies not only to individuals, who believe and live in democracy; but also to the so-called political groups like MSR, who believe in oligarchy. At the same time, they also vie for political power, while operating within the same democratic system. This double thinking, as I see it, is clearly, unconstitutional and unlawful; to say the least, it is paradoxical to the core.</font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">I perused the authority of “Romanian Case” cited by Counsel Mrs. Amesbury in support of her argument. I find that the instant case of MSR is distinguishable from the “Romanian Case” that differs in every aspect of law and facts. I carefully perused the judgment of that case in which, the appellants complained that the refusal of their application to register the PCN as a political party by Romanian Government had infringed their right to freedom of association within the meaning of Article 11 of the European Human Rights Convention. Having regard to the grounds on which the Romanian authority had refused registration, they further submitted that they had been discriminated against on the basis of their political opinions, in breach of Article 14 of the Convention. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) allowed the appeal stating that refusal for registration in that particular case, had been a violation of Article 11 of the Convention. </font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Obviously, in the Romanian case, PCN’s Manifesto did not contravene or infringe any provision of the Constitution or the domestic laws of Romania. PCN did not advocate, promote or incite violence or revolution. Unlike MSR, they believed in democracy, national sovereignty, unity etc. In fact, the PCN manifesto inter alia, reads as follows:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">The PCN shall respect national sovereignty, the territorial integrity of the State, its legal order and the principles of democracy. None of its members shall defame the country and the nation, promote war and national, racial, class or religious hatred, encourage discrimination, territorial separatism or public violence, or engage in obscene and immoral activities”</span></i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The PCN is a free association of citizens in Romania, which supports political pluralism, upholds the principles of a democratic law-based State and strives to </span></font></font><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">defend</span></font></font></em><font face="Times New Roman, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;"> </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">their own interests without </span></font></font><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">denying</span></font></font></em><font face="Times New Roman, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;"> </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">those of others unlike what MSR intends to do in Seychelles. That is why the ECHR held that the refusal by the Romanian Government to register PCN as political party was in violation of Article 11 of the Convention. Although MSR claims to be a political movement in Seychelles, by no stretch of the imagination, it can be equated or compared to the Romanian Political Party PCN. Hence, I hold that the authority cited by Mrs. Amesbury is neither relevant to the point in issue nor supportive of her proposition. On the contrary, it rather strengthens the case of the respondent in this matter.</span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.17in; margin-bottom: 0.04in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Before I conclude, it is pertinent to observe that the purpose or object of MSR is not only unlawful and inconsistent with the Constitution and other laws of Seychelles but also it is repugnant to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 and International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination 1965.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaims that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights and that everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set out therein, without distinction of any kind, in particular as to race, colour or national origin. All human beings are equal before the law and are entitled to equal protection of the law against any discrimination and against any incitement to discrimination. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Any doctrine of superiority based on racial differentiation is scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust and dangerous, and that there is no justification for racial discrimination, in theory or in practice, anywhere; the discrimination between human beings on the grounds of race, colour or ethnic origin is an obstacle to friendly and peaceful relations among nations and is capable of disturbing peace and security among peoples and the harmony of persons living side by side even within one and the same State; the existence of racial barriers is repugnant to the ideals of any human society and civilization.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Any political parties or organizations which, through their aims or activities, campaign against the basic structure of the Constitution such as democracy, political pluralism, the principles of the rule of law, or the sovereignty, integrity or independence of the Republic of Seychelles, or attempt to disturb the multi-racial social harmony, unity and stability of Seychelles shall be unconstitutional. Besides, the means employed to achieve the aims of political parties shall be in accordance with Seychelles's Constitutional and legal order. Hence, in the instant case the registrar has rightly refused to register MSR as a political party on the ground that its object was unlawful. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.25in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">It is also pertinent to observe that a political party may campaign for a change in the law or in the Constitution or in the legal and Constitutional Structures of the State, <b>on three conditions: </b></font></font></p> <ol> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Firstly, the means used to that end must in every respect be legal, Constitutional and democratic; and end can never justify the means.</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol start="2"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Secondly, the change proposed if any, must itself be compatible with fundamental democratic principles. It necessarily follows that a political party whose leaders incite or resort to violence or put forward a policy which does not comply with one or more of the rules of democracy or which is aimed at the destruction of democracy and the flouting of the rights and freedoms recognized in a democracy, cannot claim legitimacy to represent or stand or continue to stand as a political party that will truly preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of Seychelles. In any event, the Registrar in exercise of his power under Section 9(1) (c) of the Act, may even cancel the registration of such irresponsible political parties, at any time, on proof to his satisfaction that those political parties have a purpose or object, which is unlawful; and</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol start="3"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Thirdly, although there is no Constitutional or implied limitation on the amending-power of the Legislature to amend any part of the Constitution, that power to amend does not include the “<b>P</b>ower” to disfigure or abrogate the Constitution itself. The word “amendment” used in the Constitution postulates that the old Constitution must survive without loss of identity and it must be retained though in the amended form. The Constitution is a living institution. It has a soul that represents the heirs of the past as well as the testators of the future. Obviously, it shall not opt to commit suicide simply by providing an inbuilt mechanism for amendments. Therefore, the power to amend does not include the “<b>P</b>ower” to destroy the soul of the Constitution or abrogate the <b>basic structure</b> or <b>features of the Constitution</b>. The Basic Structure of the Constitution of Seychelles includes <b>(i)</b> <i>Supremacy of the Constitution, </i><i><b>(ii)</b></i> <i>Republican and Democratic form of Government, </i><i><b>(iii)</b></i> <i>Secular Character of the Constitution, </i><i><b>(iv)</b></i> <i>Separation of Powers between the legislature, the executive and the judiciary, (v) Rule of Law, </i><i><b>(vi)</b></i> <i>Equality before law, and </i><i><b>(vii)</b></i> <i>Free and Fair Election,</i> which is a basic postulate of Democracy. <b>See, Kesavanand Vs. State of Kerala, A.I.R 1973 Supreme Court of India p1461 (Decided by a Special Bench of 13 Judges) and Indira Nehru Gandhi Vs. Raj Narayan, A.I.R 1975 Supreme Court of India p2299. </b></font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.25in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">However, eschewing the said three conditions, MSR intend to cause or campaign for drastic Structural changes in the Supreme Law of the land as well as in the legal and Constitutional Structures of the State disregarding the “Due Process of Law” and defeating the “General Will” and the “Sovereignty” of the People of Seychelles. Undoubtedly, it is an unlawful attempt by MSR to shatter “The Seychellois Dream” enshrined in the Preamble of the Constitution of Seychelles. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">In the light of all the above, this Court in its judgment, holds that: </font></font></p> <ol> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>The reasons given by the Registrar of Political Parties for refusing to register the “Moument Seselwa Rasin” (MSR) as a political party are legally and constitutionally valid. His decision in this respect cannot be faulted for any reason whatsoever. </i></font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The Registrar has exercised his discretion, lawfully, reasonably, carefully and in good faith and in accordance with <i>section 7 of the Political Party (Registration and Regulation) Act and his decision is therefore, proper and legal; and</i></font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>By refusing to register MSR as a political party, the Registrar has not violated any of the Appellant’s fundamental human rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution of Seychelles nor has the Registrar infringed any international human rights norms secured by International Human Rights Instruments.</i></font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">In the final analysis, I conclude that this appeal is devoid of merits and liable to be dismissed in its entirety. Hence, I decline to allow the appeal. I make no order as to costs. </font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">.........................</font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">D. Karunakaran</font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">Judge</font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">Dated this 30<sup>th</sup> Day of March 2011 </font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><u>Further Order</u></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">I direct the Registrar of the Supreme Court to transmit the Judgment delivered herein, to the Registrar of Political Parties by serving on him a certified copy of this Judgment in conformity with Rule 18 of the Political Parties (Registration and Regulations) (Appeal) Rules Cap 173.</font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">.........................</font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">D. Karunakaran</font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">Judge</font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">Dated this 30<sup>th</sup> Day of March 2011 </font></p> <div type="FOOTER"> <p align="RIGHT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-top: 0.46in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><sdfield format="ARABIC" subtype="RANDOM" type="PAGE">31</sdfield></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> </div> </div> <div class="views-element-container"><div class="view view-eva view-download-conditional view-id-download_conditional view-display-id-entity_view_1 js-view-dom-id-3d5d23256a410c5d73be3dadee5d3fed65a8b08631f5e99b628d58a945f46101"> <div><div class="views-field views-field-views-conditional-field"><span class="field-content"><div type="HEADER"> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.46in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </p> </div> <div dir="LTR" id="Frame1" style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); padding: 0in; border: currentcolor; left: 0in; top: 0in; width: 0.28in; height: 0.02in; position: absolute;"> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><sdfield format="ARABIC" subtype="RANDOM" type="PAGE">31</sdfield></p> </div> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Algerian, fantasy"><font size="5"><u>IN THE SUPREME COURT OF SEYCHELLES</u></font></font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Christopher Gill of </font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Level 3, Docklands, Mahé</font></font> <font color="#ffffff">…..............................................................................</font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><u>Appellant </u></font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Vs</font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Registrar of Political Parties of</font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="fr-BE" xml:lang="fr-BE" xml:lang="fr-BE">Aarti Chambers, Mont Fleuri, Mahé </span><font color="#ffffff"><span lang="fr-BE" xml:lang="fr-BE" xml:lang="fr-BE">..............................................</span></font><span lang="fr-BE" xml:lang="fr-BE" xml:lang="fr-BE"><u>Respondent</u></span> </font></font></p> <p align="RIGHT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="RIGHT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="border-width: medium medium 1.1pt; border-style: none none double; border-color: currentcolor currentcolor rgb(0, 0, 0); padding: 0in 0in 0.02in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><u>Civil Appeal No: 1 of 2011</u></font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Mrs. L. Amesbury for the Appellant</font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Mr. R. Govindan for the Respondent</font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><i><u>D. KARUNAKARAN, J.</u></i></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; page-break-after: avoid;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="4" style="font-size: 16pt;"><u>JUDGMENT</u></font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The last decade of the Twentieth Century will not be forgotten in the political history of Africa. This was the decade when the freedom struggle against the last vestiges of racial oppression in Africa, came to an end. <i>Nelson Mandela </i>wrote a eulogy to his <i>long walk to freedom.</i> The Rainbow Nation was in full blossom on the horizon of Good Hope. The People of Seychelles - after experiencing a cycle of different political systems - eventually attained political maturity and national stability. They embarked on their historic voyage from a single-party state towards a vibrant pluralist democracy. They ensured that the torch of liberty was passed on from one generation to another to burn forever as steady as a lighthouse on their shores.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">In 1993, their voyage began with a dream – The Seychellois Dream - if I may call it that, a dream of a modern Sovereign Democratic Republic, in which life was better, richer and fuller for every Seychellois without discrimination, whether based on race, colour, religion, creed, sex or political views; with equality of opportunity to enjoy freedom, justice, welfare, fraternity, peace and unity.</span></font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Their dream was not based on an illusion but on a vision that sprouted from their ability to go beyond the obvious, to see the invisible and touch the future. Their dream is not about problem-solving, but the pre-emption and prevention of problems</span></font></font><span style="font-weight: normal;">. </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The people of Seychelles thus decided to rewrite their own political destiny and they did with a style of their own. </span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Differing political thoughts converged, were reconciled and conceived in consonance. The Constitution of Seychelles (The Third Republic) was born after much brainstorming, reflection, ideological debate and intellectual-labour and finally delivered through referendum. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The Seychellois Dream” has now taken shape with roots that give it a stronghold on ground realities and wings that give it the ability to reach new heights. It is beautifully animated in the Preamble, which I am sure we all know, is a part of the Constitution </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i>(vide S. R. Bommai Vs. Union of India AIR 1994 SC p1918). </i></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">The</span></i></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Preamble is a key to reaching into the minds of the makers of it. The People of Seychelles solemnly resolved to constitute Seychelles into a Sovereign Democratic Republic. The people, as descendents of different races had learnt to live together as one People and as one Nation under God constituting a classless society. They wished to serve as an example for a harmonious multi-racial society. They proclaimed so in the Preamble. They recognised the inherent dignity, equality and inalienable rights of all members of the human family. They reaffirmed, in the Preamble, that these rights include the pursuit of happiness free from all types of discrimination. </span></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Pluralism flourished. People celebrated Unity in Diversity. The Constitution of Seychelles proclaimed a philosophy of its own founded on all these ideals, hopes, intentions, wishes and the aspirations of the people. This is the essence of “The Seychellois Dream”</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Although this “dream” is the perpetual pursuance of a unique goal that is close to the heart and sacred to every right-thinking Seychellois man and woman, some individuals, who have indeed, embraced the same democratic system, do not endorse the </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">General Will”</font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>(vide Rousseau's Social Contract Theory 1762 Treatise)</i></font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">of the people of Seychelles. For reasons best known to them, they disown “The Seychellois Dream”. They aspire to teardown that “dream” and create a wonderland of their own based on </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Individual Will”</font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>(vide Rousseau's supra)</i></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">. These individuals do not subscribe to the Seychellois philosophy of </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">O</font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>ne People-One Nation</i></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">. They wish to fragment society and compartmentalise the people. They do not realise that for a state, the size and composition of Seychelles, unity is our greatest strength and means of survival amongst the many countries that dwarf us. They do not believe that men are born equal and all Seychellois are equal before law and equal in civil and political status. They do not believe in a classless society. For them, there are and ought to be two classes of citizens. They claim that one class or breed self-styled as </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Seselwa Rasin”</i></font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">amongst the people of Seychelles, is superior to the other class, whom they tag </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Seselwa Fabrike”</i></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">. They do not accept the existing Constitutionalism nor have they had any respect for the equality and dignity of human beings. They want to do away with the Constitution of the Third Republic. They refuse to share or be part of “The Seychellois Dream” enshrined in the Constitution. They want to have the exclusive right to politically control and govern Seychelles. They want to establish a government of the </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Rasin”</i></font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">by the </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Rasin”</i></font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">and for the </span></font></font>“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Rasin”</i></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">. They believe and expressly state that the </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Seselwa Resin</font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">have a duty and obligation to remove the “</span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">PP</font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Collaborators” (presumably, </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">PP</font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">means </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">P</font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">arty in </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">P</font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">ower) from power, unless they renounce their collaboration. According to them, the removal of the </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">PP</font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Collaborators from power must be accomplished, first, by exhausting all peaceful means available, and then, as an absolute last resort, </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><u>by Revolutionary Direct Action.</u></font></font> <font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Undoubtedly, what matters for them is the end, not the means. This is the essence of their political thoughts, beliefs, agenda and their ultimate dream, a dream obviously, based on an illusion. </span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">These individuals want to rewrite the political philosophy and the destiny of every Seychellois and of the generations to come. In short, they want to establish a “Fourth Republic” founded on a political philosophy of their choice. To achieve that, they need political power. To acquire that power, they obviously need a political organisation. Hence, they have now organised themselves as a “Political Group”. According to them, since the present Constitution has given them freedom of thought, belief, expression and all civil and political rights, they have the fundamental right to express their political views and do away with the present Constitution. Moreover, since the Constitution has guaranteed and conferred on them the right to form a political party, they want to have their “Political Group” registered as a political party in Seychelles.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Is this Political Group entitled to be registered in the eye of law, as a Political Party in Seychelles?</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">This is the question that arose before the Registrar of Political Parties for determination. The Registrar answered in the negative. Now, the Court is invited to review his decision and pronounce on the correctness, accuracy, legality, constitutionality and propriety of his decision. Hence this Judgment.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">This matter is before the Court by way of an appeal preferred by the appellant under Section 8(1) of the Political Parties (Registration and Regulation) Act (Chapter 173) (hereinafter referred to as the “Act”) against the refusal of the Registrar of Political Parties (hereinafter referred to, as the “Registrar”) to register a political group called “<i>Mouvment Seselwa Rasin”</i> (hereinafter referred to, as the “MSR”), as a “Political Party” under the provisions of the Act.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">One Mr. Christopher Gill, a resident of Praslin, who claims to be the leader of MSR, - hereinafter called the “appellant” - submitted an application to the Registrar on the 13<sup>th</sup> July 2010, in the prescribed form for the registration of MSR as a political party. The application was made in terms of Section 5 of the Act, which reads thus: </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -1.73in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">5. (1) A political party consisting of not less than 100 </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -1.73in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">registered members may apply in the prescribed form to the Registrar for registration under this Act.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.4in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(2) An application for registration shall be signed by the office bearers of the political party and shall be accompanied by </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(a) two copies of the constitution, rules and political programme or manifesto of the party duly certified by the leader of the party,</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(b) the particular of the registered office of the party;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(c) a list giving the name, address and national identity number of not less than 100 registered members of the party;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(d) a list giving the name, address and national identity number of the leader and other office bearers of the party;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(e) such further information or document as the Registrar may require for the purpose of satisfying himself that the application complies with this Act or that the party is entitled to be registered under this Act.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.4in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(3) A list referred to in paragraph (c) and paragraph (d) shall be signed by each of the persons named therein.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.4in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(4) A person shall not be considered to be a member of a political party for the purposes of this Act unless  </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(a) he has attained the age 18 years;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(b) he is a Seychellois; and</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(c) he is resident in Seychelles.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The application was thus duly signed by the office bearers of MSR and accompanied by all documents required under Section 5 (supra). The application was under consideration by the Registrar. During that time, one of the office bearers, Mr. Francis Gill, whose name appeared in the original list submitted to the Registrar, was withdrawn by the applicant. Be that as it may, the Registrar meticulously scrutinised all the documents accompanied the application, including the Constitution of the MSR and the relevant provisions of law. Thus, after giving due consideration to the application, the Registrar rejected the application. He refused registration of MSR as a political party in terms of Section 7 of the Act. This Section is couched in the following terms:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -1.1in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">7. (1) The Registrar may refuse to register a political </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -1.1in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">party if he is satisfied that  </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(a) the application is not in conformity with this Act;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(b) the name of the party  </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.38in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 2.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(i) is identical to the name of a registered political party or a political party which has been cancelled under this Act or a political party whose application precedes the present application;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.38in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 2.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(ii) so nearly resembles the name of a registered political party or a political party which has been cancelled under this Act or a political party whose application precedes the present application as to be likely to deceive the members of the party or the public; or</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.38in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 2.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.38in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 2.1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(iii) is provocative or offends against public decency or contrary to any other written law as to be undesirable;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(c) any purpose or object of the party is unlawful.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(2) A political party shall be deemed to have a purpose</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">or object which is unlawful for the purposes of this Act if </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(a) it seeks, directly or indirectly, to further ethnical, racial or religious discrimination or discrimination on the ground of colour;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(b) it advocates or seeks to effect political changes in the Republic through violence or unlawful means;</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.33in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.73in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(c) it seeks to secede any part of the Republic from the Republic.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">(3) For the purposes of determining whether a political party has an unlawful purpose or object the Registrar </span><u>may consider any document </u><u><span style="font-weight: normal;">(</span></u><span style="font-weight: normal;">underline mine), statement or matter made by or on behalf of the political party or by an office bearer of the party.</span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: -0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">(4) Where the Registrar refuses to register a political party, he shall forthwith serve upon the party a notice in writing to this effect and shall specify the ground for his refusal.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Having thus refused registration, the Registrar accordingly, served upon the appellant a notice in writing dated 12<sup>th</sup> October 2010 specifying the grounds for his refusal.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The grounds specified by the Registrar in his notice <i>inter alia</i>, read (in verbatim) thus:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">According to the Political Party (Registration and Regulation) Act, 1991 no party can be registered if its objects are unlawful.</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>The objects of a political party are reflected in a political party’s constitution.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>I have scrutinized the applicant’s constitution in the light of the provisions of the said Act and highlight some of the salient issues:</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ul> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Article IV provides that the applicant has the exclusive (sic) to political control and to govern Seychelles.</i></font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Article VII provides that the applicant will create two categories of citizenship one for naturalized Seychellois and the other naturally born Seychellois. Upon assuming power the former that the applicant called “fabrike” is entitled to be <u>to be</u> (sic) deported.</i></font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Article XV and XIII promotes revolutionary changes of government.</i></font></font></p> </li> </ul> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">All the above provisions are contrary to Article 1 of the Seychelles Constitution which creates Seyche1les as a democratic Republic, which is defined in Article 47 of the Constitution (sic) as inter alia, where there exist the existence of human right and tolerance of the freedoms and right of others and where political changes occurs through the democratic process. </span>The constitution of the applicant is unlawful.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Under Section 7 (of the said Act), I hereby reject your application for the registration of Mouvman Selselwa Rasin as a political party.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>However, if you are aggrieved by this decision you may appeal to the Supreme Court within 21 days of this notice.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>H. Gappy (Sd)</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.44in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Registrar of Political Parties</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The appellant being aggrieved by the above decision wrote a letter dated 14<sup>th</sup> October 2010 to the Registrar, which inter alia reads thus:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Dear Mr. Gappy,</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>I am writing further to your Letter dated October 12, 2010 in which you rejected the application of Mouvman Seselwa Rasin. Reason being the constitution is unlawful......</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Beliefs cannot be illegal in a democratic society. It is absurd. Beliefs of a party cannot be contrary to law or unlawful, if the belief is intended to change the law once given a mandate...</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Revolution is a reality of all States and standard political dictum in any society....</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Attorney Conrad Lablache has suggested to reword the Manifesto to placate your obvious nervousness in regards to MSR registration. The language can be interpreted in the wrong light especially when your office is dabbling in constitutional interpretation without any standards of interpretation in place.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Standards of interpretation must be in place and known to the public, before an apparatus of the State can know how to rule on a fundamental right. </i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>In order to do this, our member will be consulted and they will be undertaking an exercise to review our manifesto. Their comments will be compiled and opinion noted we submit an alternative manifesto to you.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Sincerely,</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Christopher Gill (Sd)</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.19in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Leader, MSR”</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Subsequently, on the 21<sup>st</sup> October 2010, the Registrar received the “Second Submission of the MSR Manifesto” - supposed to be in consonant with the Constitution and laws of Seychelles - from the appellant in respect of his application for registration. In fact, the Second Submission of the MSR manifesto was nothing but a replica of the first one that was originally submitted to the Registrar. The contents in respect Articles IV, VII, XV, and XIII were the same except its jacket that carried a change of title from “The Constitution of MSR” to read “Manifesto of MSR”. The Registrar, again refused registration in his letter dated 4<sup>th</sup> November addressed to the appellant stating in verbatim thus:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">I acknowledge receipt of the second submission to this Office in respect to the application to register Mouvman Selselwa Rasin as a political party.</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>In my opinion Articles IV, XIII and XV of your Manifesto are not in consonant with the provision of Section 7 of Cap 173. You should revisit these Articles.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>I regret to inform you that your application for the registration of Mouvman Selselwa Rasin as a political party is hereby rejected.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>(Sd) H. Gappy </i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Registrar of Political Parties”</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">In response to this letter, the appellant again submitted another Manifesto of MSR entitled the “Third submission” to the Registrar again insisting on the registration of MSR as a political party. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Obviously, the Third Submission is also nothing but the same old wine in a new bottle. The appellant had made some cosmetic changes to the previous one but in pith and substance both constituted the same political ideology. The changes were superficial. For instance:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Article II was changed to read as follows: </span>Day of Betrayal and Atonement<span style="font-weight: normal;">: Henceforth, June 5</span><sup><span style="font-weight: normal;">th</span></sup><span style="font-weight: normal;">of every year shall continue as a national holiday to be remembered by all Seselwa Rasin as the Day of Betrayal and of Atonement. On this day, we will henceforth remember the betrayal of </span><i>Sesel pou Seselwa</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">and atone for the ways we individually may have personally betrayed </span><i>Sesel Pou Seselwa</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">in the prior year and resolve and define ways to improve our individual commitment and dedication to </span><i>Sesel Pou Seselwa</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">during the coming year”</span></font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol start="2"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Article IV in the original Constitution of MSR read thus:</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Seselwa Rasin have the exclusive right to politically control and govern Seychelles. Seselwa Rasin have the exclusive right to be elected to, or appointed to, any position in Seychelles that involved governing, or which has any powers </span></i></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><u>to govern, any part of Seychelles” </u></i></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">(underline mine)</span></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">This</span> <span style="font-weight: normal;">Article was also completely deleted in the Third submission and replaced by the following:</span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">POLITICAL CONTROL OF SEYCHELLES”</span></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>MSR shall pursue amendments to the Constitution to ensure that no “Fabrike” shall be permitted to seek any political office in the Republic and for all posts of high office to be reserved for Seselwa Rasin”</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol start="3"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Article VII in the original Constitution of MSR that created two classes of Citizens was kept intact in the Third Submission. </font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol start="4"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Article XV in the original Constitution of MSR read thus:</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">If direct revolutionary action is needed, every</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Seselwa Rasin must do all that he or she can do to</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>assist in the effort, even if that is simply providing</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i><u>those who are engaged,</u></i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">(underline mine)</span><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">with a glass of water”</span></i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">This Article too was completely deleted in the Third submission and replaced as below:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.88in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Due Process of Law: No Seselwa Rasin shall be denied life, liberty, property, privacy, equality of opportunity and the pursuit of happiness without due process of law”.</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 1.13in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol start="5"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Article XIII of the original Constitution of MSR read thus:</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">REMOVAL OF PP COLLABORATORS</span></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">We Seselwa Rasin have a duty and obligation to remove the PP Collaborators from power, unless they renounce their collaboration and implement Sesel Pou Seselwa. The removal of the PP Collaborators from power must be accomplished first by exhausting all peaceful means available, and then, as an absolute last resort, </span><u>by Revolutionary Direct Action. .. </u><span style="font-weight: normal;">(Underline mine)</span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">This Article was completely deleted in the Third submission and replaced to read as below:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">SESELWA RASIN - SELF-EDUCATION - RECRUITMENT-DEFENSE</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>It is the duty of every Seselwa Rasin to politicize and educate himself or herself about The Rasin-ist Creed, and thereafter, to recruit, educate and politicize three other persons about the Rasin-ist Creed and to become a Rasin-ist, who in turn must do the same thing.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>It is the duty and obligation of every Rasin-ist to educate himself or herself according to each individual’s highest abilities and capabilities so that each Rasin-ist may have the highest level of skill, abilities and capabilities to individually protect and defend Sesel Pou Seselwa and the principles contained in the Rasin-ist Creed”</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The Registrar, having been again dissatisfied with the contents of the Third Submission again refused registration and served upon the appellant a notice in writing dated 13<sup>th</sup> November 2010 accordingly, specifying the grounds for his refusal. The said notice reads <i>in verbatim</i>, thus:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.38in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.81in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">The Third Submission for the registration of “Mouvman Seselwa Rasin,” as a political party, is not substantially dissimilar to the previous ones. You are still insisting to discriminate between groups of Seychellois; ie between what you call the Seselwa Rasin and the non- Seselwa Rasin.</span></i></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.81in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>This is a clear violation of the Constitution of the Republic of Seychelles and also the Political Party (Registration and Regulation) Act.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.81in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>Pursuant to Section 7(4) of the Political Party (Registration and Regulation) Act, I hereby give you notice on the above stated grounds and I shall not register the “Mouvman Seselwa Rasin”.</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.81in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.81in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>H.P. Gappy (Sd)</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.81in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>REGISTRAR OF POLITICAL PARTIES”</i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The appellant being aggrieved by the decision of the Registrar’s refusal, to register MSR as a political party, has now appealed to this Court against the entire decision on the following grounds: </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>The reasons given by the Respondent for refusing to register the political party is devoid of merit and contrary to Section 7 of the Political Party (Registration and Regulation) Act, and is therefore illegal; and</i></font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>By refusing to register the political party the Respondent has violated the rights of the Appellant’s under Articles 21(1) ‘freedom of thought’, Art., 23 “to form or belong to a political party” Art. 24(a) and Art. 22(1) “freedom of expression.”</i></font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.31in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Mrs. Alexia Amesbury, Learned counsel for the appellant submitted in essence that the original “MSR Constitution” first submitted to the Registrar, was subsequently amended and replaced by the MSR Manifesto (the Third Submission), which does not contain anything unlawful, illegal or unconstitutional. Seychelles is a democratic country and every Seychellois has a fundamental right to hold or subscribe to any political view or belief and to believe in any political ideology. The appellant as a Seychellois has every political and civil rights to hold and express any political belief and to form a political party and to have it registered under the Act. Accordingly, the appellant applied for registration of the MSR. He complied with all statutory requirements in terms of Section 5 of the Act (vide supra). Hence, the appellant is entitled to have the MSR registered as a political party. That is a fundamental human right of the appellant or that of any other Seychellois for that matter. However, the Registrar unlawfully and illegally refused to register for no valid reason. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Moreover, it is the submission of Mrs. Amesbury that (i) “freedom of thought and expression” and (ii) right to form or belong to a political party are fundamental human right. They are guaranteed not only by the Constitution of Seychelles under the Seychellois Charter of Fundamental Human Rights and Freedoms as sacrosanct, but also by the “International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights” (ICCPR) to which Seychelles is a party having signed and ratified it. According to counsel, the Registrar’s decision in refusing registration is not only illegal but such decision is in gross violation of the appellant’s fundamental human right guaranteed by the Seychelles’ Constitution as well as by the International Instrument. In support of her submission, counsel also cited the case of </span><i>Partridul Cmunistilor and Ungureanu V. Romania Application No: 46626/99 –</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">the judgment of which was delivered by the European Court of Human Rights on 3</span><sup><span style="font-weight: normal;">rd</span></sup><span style="font-weight: normal;">February 2005. </span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">For these reasons, Mrs. Amesbury urged the Court to allow the appeal and direct the Registrar to register “<i>Moument Seselwa Rasin”</i> as a “Political Party” under the provisions of the Act.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">On the other side, Honourable Attorney General Mr. Govinden submitted in essence that the decision of the Registrar to refuse registration is proper, lawful, legal and constitutional. The impugned decision is in consonant with the provisions of the Act and that of the Constitution of Seychelles. Indeed, Mr. Govinden in his submission read out and drew the attention of the Court to a number Articles found in the MSR Manifesto, which are in violation of various provision of the statutes and the Constitution of Seychelles. He clearly demonstrated to the Court how the appellant’s attempt to register MSR as a political party would destroy every fabric of our society and the democratic system. The MSR’s intended discrimination and the classification of people into “Seychellois Rasin” and “Seychellois Fabrike” not only violate various provisions of our Constitution but also violate “International Human Right Norms”. He also drew an analogy between the MSR Manifesto and the so-called Nuremberg Laws, which Hitler had decreed against the Jews in the Nazi Germany creating classification of its citizens and the resultant holocaust. Furthermore, Mr. Govindan submitted that purpose and object of the MSR (vide Article XV and XIII of the Manifesto) is to bring about political changes including change of government through revolutionary means. This is unconstitutional and unlawful. Hence, according to Honourable AG, the decision of the Registrar is lawful. He rightly refused registration of MSR as a political party in terms of Section 7 (1) (c) of the Act (vide supra).</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">For these reasons, Honourable Attorney General urged the Court to uphold the decision of the Registrar refusing registration and dismiss this appeal accordingly.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">I meticulously examined all the documents produced by the parties including all correspondence between the appellant and the Registrar of Political Parties in this matter. I diligently perused the relevant provisions of the Constitution of Seychelles and other related laws as well as the Romanian case law cited by Learned Counsel Mrs. Amesbury. I gave careful thought to the arguments advanced by counsel on both sides, far and against this appeal. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">At the outset, it is pertinent to note that Section 7 (3) of the Act (vide supra) clearly empowers the Registrar to consider </span><i><u><span style="font-weight: normal;">any document</span></u></i><i>,</i> <i><span style="font-weight: normal;">statement or matter made by or on behalf of the political party or by an office bearer of the party,</span></i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">for the purposes of determining whether a political party has an unlawful purpose or object. Evidently, the Act has given an unfettered discretion to the Registrar in so far as the consideration of all relevant documents in this respect. Hence, the Court holds that it was lawful, proper and reasonable for the Registrar to examine and consider all documents that emanated from the appellant including the First, Second and Third Submissions for the purpose of determining on the registration of MSR as a political party. To my mind, and in law he has rightly done so in this matter. </span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Moreover, I find that all certified copies of the documents produced by the Registrar as exhibits herein, are obviously, official documents, maintained in the course of his official duties and kept at his office as official record. They are indeed, public document. For all legal intents and purposes, they are presumed to be genuine and authenticated documents, in the absence of any evidence to the contrary vide Latin Maxim: <i>omnia praesumuntur legitime facta donec probetur in contrarium. </i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Be that as it may, I will now move on to the merits of the case. Needless to say, political parties constitute the lifeblood of democracy. Without political parties, democracy loses its meaning. Although political parties in civilized democracies differ in their political beliefs and ideology, they all share certain </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">characteristic features</span></i></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">in common. Indeed, they all basically espouse an expressed <a class="western" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ideology">ideology</a> or vision bolstered by a written <a class="western" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Party_platform">platform</a> with specific goals aiming for the betterment of the nation and its people. The aims of political parties shall be based on respect for the nation's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and for democracy. They all recognise the citizens’ equality before the law and equal protection of laws. They uphold the unity, security and dignity of the nation. They all believe in the ballots and in democracy, not in the bullets and in oligarchy or anarchy. The primary objective of a political party is to influence government policy, usually by nominating their own candidates and trying to seat them in political office. They compete for political power to form their own government and implement their policy. Political Parties participate in <a class="western" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elections">electoral campaigns</a>, educational outreach or protest actions. When they are in power they try to ensure good governance through good people and good laws; preserve public accountability and transparency; they try to narrow down the gap between the rhetoric and the reality, although the gap has a perpetual tendency to reopen. Above all, the means employed to achieve the aims of political parties shall be in accordance with the existing Constitutional framework and legal order of the nation. As I observe, these are the standard elements found as </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i>characteristic features</i></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">of Political Parties that vie for political power in a democratic system. </span></span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Bearing the above standards in mind, I carefully perused the Political Manifesto of MSR. On the face of it, it seems to me that MSR’s aims, objects and its intended activities do not reflect those general </span><i>characteristic features</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">normally expected of any responsible political party in any Pluralistic Democratic Society. </span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><u>Unconstitutionality</u></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">From a meticulous examination of the documents on record I find that the MSR's constitution, in Article XV and XIII (vide supra) undoubtedly, promotes, advocates and incites change of government by revolution. They believe that if the ballots could not bring about the change they want, they will resort to the bullets as last resort. They say they will engage their cadets to achieve it <b>by Revolutionary Direct Action</b>. Besides, they impose a legal obligation on all Seychellois men and women to assist those cadets in their engagement by providing them at least, a glass of water. Thus, the MSR strives to gain political power in order to establish their <b>Class Rule</b> undermining the “<b>Rule of Law”</b> and “<b>Democracy”</b>. This means that the Constitutional and legal order in place since 1993 in Seychelles has been inhumane and unacceptable to them, to the so-called <b>Seselwa Rasin.</b> <i>Is this not a glaring unconstitutional thinking, belief, attitude and unlawful object and approach? </i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">According to MSR, the existing Constitution of Seychelles should be eliminated, whatever the means employed but it ought to be replaced by what they believe in. Is this not an <b>abrogation of the existing Constitution of Seychelles? </b><i>Is this not a threat to the </i><i><b>Sovereignty of the Nation?</b></i> <i>Alas! Here, the image that comes to my mind, is that of a man attempting to saw off the very branch he is sitting on. </i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Again, under Article IV of the Manifesto of MSR, they claim </span><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Seselwa Rasin have the exclusive right to politically control and govern Seychelles. Is this not a threat to our </span></i><i>Popular Pluralist</i> <i>Democracy and Republicanism? </i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">In the same breath, they say that they shall have power “</span></i><i><u>to govern any part of Seychelles”.</u></i> <i><span style="font-weight: normal;">Is this not a threat to the </span></i><i>territorial integrity</i> <i><span style="font-weight: normal;">of the Nation?</span></i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><u><b>Freedom of Thought, Belief and Expression</b></u></font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The appellant Mr. Gill also expressed his conviction in open Court that mere belief cannot be illegal in a democratic society. He claimed that he has the Constitutional right to believe in any political philosophy of his choice. </font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">I quite agree with him. He has a right to believe in any philosophy that predominates his mind, provided such belief is not wrong or erroneous and does not infringe the rights of other right-thinking people in society. In fact, human belief is an abstract entity, a synthesis - if I may use the dialectic term. It is based on the perception of reality by a human mind (see, Hegel’s dialectic philosophy). As long as it remains as a belief - a thought unexpressed - within the mind of the believer, nobody will bother or read his mind to verify, whether it is a right belief or wrong belief. The believer may enjoy his freedom of belief within his mind, without any restriction imposed by anyone for any reason whatsoever. However, if the same belief is once expressed, relied and acted upon either by the believer himself or by any other person for that matter, and if that act results in harm or likely to result in harm to </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i>his neighbour,</i></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">then such belief whether political or otherwise, is liable to be scrutinised as this Court now does herein. And, if it is found to be wrong, then that belief is liable to be condemned as it adversely affects the interest of his neighbour. Incidentally, I should mention that I use the term </span></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“</span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i>neighbour”</i></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">herein, in a broad sense as used in the “golden rule” </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">(thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself - Leviticus 19:28)</span></i></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">that sense was extended by </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i>Lord Atkin </i></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">from the </span></span></font></font><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Sermon on the Mount</span></span></font></font></em><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">to the law of negligence in </span></span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><i>Donoghue v. Stevenson <a class="autolink_findcases_inserted" href="http://www.bailii.org/uk/cases/UKHL/1931/3.html" title="View Case">[1931] UKHL 3</a>; <a class="autolink_findcases" href="/cgi-bin/LawCite?cit=%5b1932%5d%20AC%20562" title="View LawCiteRecord">[1932] AC 562</a></i></span></font></font><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"> </span><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><span style="font-weight: normal;">(House of Lords), the most famous case in the common law. I prefer to extend it further to the law of human rights and freedoms. </span></span></font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Now, one might ask: Who, then in law, is my neighbour? The answer seems to be- “persons who are so closely and directly affected by my act that I ought reasonably to have them in contemplation as being so affected when I am directing my mind to the acts or omissions based on my beliefs, which are called in question.” Indeed, the active man, who acts on wrong beliefs, is more dangerous to society than the one who is blissfully ignorant of the subject matter and remains inactive. As </span><i>Thomas Jefferson</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">once mentioned </span>“<i>Ignorance is preferable to error; and he is less remote from the truth who believes nothing, than he who believes what is wrong”</i><span style="font-weight: normal;">. Obviously, the appellant in this matter is too remote from the truth as he believes in what is wrong in the eye of law. </span></font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">In any event, the exercise of one’s civil or political right is always subject to non-infringement of the rights of others. This reminds me of a story, that an Englishman walked along swinging his walking-stick and it struck the nose of another person. When the injured person objected, the wielder of the walking-stick said that England had ensured freedom to all people and that in swinging his walking-stick he was only exercising his right. The objector then replied “<i>Sir, your freedom ends where my nose begins”.</i></font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">As rightly submitted by the appellant’s counsel, it is true that our Constitution has ensured freedom and fundamental human rights including the “Right to form political parties” to all people without discrimination. I endorse her proposition in this respect. For, freedom is an indivisible word. If we want to enjoy it and fight for it, we must be prepared to extend it to everyone; whether they are rich or poor; whether they agree with us or not; no matter; whatever be their race, religion, creed or colour of the skin; and whatever be the political belief or philosophy that predominates their mind; but we must be prepared to extent it to all. That is the bottom-line.</font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The appellant’s understanding on the concept of “</span><i>free individuality”</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">(the freedom of thought, speech, expression and action) appears to be biased against the State. His understanding is obviously, based on the wrong belief that </span><i>individualism</i> <span style="font-weight: normal;">is above the </span><i>concept of State</i><span style="font-weight: normal;">. As German philosophers Kant, Fichte and Hegel rightly propounded that the legal philosophy of </span>free individuality<span style="font-weight: normal;">, ought to be based on human mind that is, on the self-consciousness of a reasonable being. After all, man is a social animal (per Aristotle)! By nature, he lives in community and ought to interact with other fellow human beings for survival and civilisation. Freedom of action of one human being should respect the equal right of another. Firstly, Individual Freedom is of necessity mutual. Secondly, the sphere of legal relations is that part of mutual personal relations, which regulates the recognition and definition of the respective sphere of liberty, on the basis of free individuality. Thirdly, the State comes in to control and regulates the rights of the individuals.</span></font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The relationship between the individual and the State is based on three principles:-</font></font></p> <ol> <li> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The individual becomes a member of the State by the due performance of civic duties and acquires his contractual status as a citizen.</font></font></p> </li> <li> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The law guarantees and limits the rights of the individual; and</font></font></p> </li> <li> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Outside the sphere of civic duties, the individual is free and responsible only to himself. In that mode he is a man, not a citizen.</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Contrary to these principles, the appellant’s political belief in effect, does not allow the individual to become a member of the State by the due performance of his civic duties. The appellant does not recognise the law that guarantees and limits the rights of individuals. He simply wants an individual to be free and be responsible only to himself as a man, but not to the State, as a citizen.</font></font></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Besides, it must, however, be understood that fundamental rights are not absolute rights. They are subject to restrictions and “rule of law”. Thus our Constitution tries to strike a balance between the individual rights and social interest. Although our Constitution guarantees the right to form political parties to all people, it also stipulates that such right is subject to restrictions as can be imposed under Article 23(2) of the Constitution by a law and necessary in a <i>democratic society</i>. The required law, that is: the Political Parties (Registration and Regulation) Act is in place and in force that has, as contemplated by the Constitution, imposed such restriction as is “necessary in a democratic society” to protect the rights and freedoms of others. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">For the purpose of determining whether such a restriction is necessary in a democratic society, the adjective “necessary”, within the meaning of Article 23 (2), implies the existence of a “pressing social need”.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The Court reiterates that its examination of whether the refusal to register MSR as a political party met a “pressing social need” must concentrate on the following points: </font></font></p> <ol type="i"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">whether there is plausible evidence on record to show that MSR’s objective is to jeopardize democracy and rule of law;</font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">whether the intended <b>Class Rule</b>, <b>Revolutionary Direct Action</b>, A<b>brogation of the Constitution, Classification of Citizenry</b> and all these factors taken together constitute the mission, vision and the objective of the political group, for which the appellant seeks registration as a political party. </font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">whether the model of society conceived and advocated by MSR is compatible with the concept of a “democratic society”; and </font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Its overall examination of the above points must also take into account of the historical context in which the refusal to register the party concerned took place.</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The task of Court herein is not to take the place of the Registrar of Political Parties and decide on the issue of registration: but rather to review under Section 8 of the Act, the decisions he made in exercise of the power, conferred on him by Section 7 (1) of the Act. This does not mean that the Court's supervision is limited to ascertaining whether the Registrar exercised his discretion, lawfully, reasonably, carefully and in good faith. It must look at the refusal complained of in the light of the case as a whole, in order to determine whether it was “proportionate to the legitimate aim if any, pursued” by MSR, and whether the reasons given by the Registrar to justify his refusal are “relevant and sufficient”. In so doing, the Court has to satisfy itself that the Registrar applied standards which were in conformity with the principles embodied in the Constitution and the Act and, moreover, that he based his decisions on an acceptable assessment of the relevant facts vide Romanian case cited supra and see, </span></font></font><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">mutatis mutandis</span></font></font></em><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">, </span></font></font><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Ahmed and Others v. the United Kingdom</span></font></font></em><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">, judgment of 2 September <a class="autolink_findcases" href="/cgi-bin/LawCite?cit=1998%20Co%20Rep%201998%2dVI" title="View LawCiteRecord">1998, </a></span></font></font><a class="autolink_findcases" href="/cgi-bin/LawCite?cit=1998%20Co%20Rep%201998%2dVI" title="View LawCiteRecord"><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Reports </span></font></font></em><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">1998-VI</span></font></font></a><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">, pp. 2377-78, § 55, and </font></font><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Goodwin v. the United Kingdom</span></font></font></em><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">, judgment of 27 March <a class="autolink_findcases" href="/cgi-bin/LawCite?cit=1996%20Co%20Rep%201996%2dII" title="View LawCiteRecord">1996, </a></span></font></font><a class="autolink_findcases" href="/cgi-bin/LawCite?cit=1996%20Co%20Rep%201996%2dII" title="View LawCiteRecord"><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">Reports </span></font></font></em><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">1996-II</span></font></font></a><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">, pp. 500-01, § 40).</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">It is truism that while in a dictatorship laws are enforced; in a democracy laws are voluntarily observed. The rule of law in a democracy must be maintained by inner-restraints and self-discipline. But, maintained, it must be. This applies not only to individuals, who believe and live in democracy; but also to the so-called political groups like MSR, who believe in oligarchy. At the same time, they also vie for political power, while operating within the same democratic system. This double thinking, as I see it, is clearly, unconstitutional and unlawful; to say the least, it is paradoxical to the core.</font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">I perused the authority of “Romanian Case” cited by Counsel Mrs. Amesbury in support of her argument. I find that the instant case of MSR is distinguishable from the “Romanian Case” that differs in every aspect of law and facts. I carefully perused the judgment of that case in which, the appellants complained that the refusal of their application to register the PCN as a political party by Romanian Government had infringed their right to freedom of association within the meaning of Article 11 of the European Human Rights Convention. Having regard to the grounds on which the Romanian authority had refused registration, they further submitted that they had been discriminated against on the basis of their political opinions, in breach of Article 14 of the Convention. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) allowed the appeal stating that refusal for registration in that particular case, had been a violation of Article 11 of the Convention. </font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Obviously, in the Romanian case, PCN’s Manifesto did not contravene or infringe any provision of the Constitution or the domestic laws of Romania. PCN did not advocate, promote or incite violence or revolution. Unlike MSR, they believed in democracy, national sovereignty, unity etc. In fact, the PCN manifesto inter alia, reads as follows:</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">“<font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i><span style="font-weight: normal;">The PCN shall respect national sovereignty, the territorial integrity of the State, its legal order and the principles of democracy. None of its members shall defame the country and the nation, promote war and national, racial, class or religious hatred, encourage discrimination, territorial separatism or public violence, or engage in obscene and immoral activities”</span></i></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">The PCN is a free association of citizens in Romania, which supports political pluralism, upholds the principles of a democratic law-based State and strives to </span></font></font><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">defend</span></font></font></em><font face="Times New Roman, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;"> </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">their own interests without </span></font></font><em class="western"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">denying</span></font></font></em><font face="Times New Roman, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;"> </span></font></font><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><span style="font-weight: normal;">those of others unlike what MSR intends to do in Seychelles. That is why the ECHR held that the refusal by the Romanian Government to register PCN as political party was in violation of Article 11 of the Convention. Although MSR claims to be a political movement in Seychelles, by no stretch of the imagination, it can be equated or compared to the Romanian Political Party PCN. Hence, I hold that the authority cited by Mrs. Amesbury is neither relevant to the point in issue nor supportive of her proposition. On the contrary, it rather strengthens the case of the respondent in this matter.</span></font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-style: normal; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.17in; margin-bottom: 0.04in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Before I conclude, it is pertinent to observe that the purpose or object of MSR is not only unlawful and inconsistent with the Constitution and other laws of Seychelles but also it is repugnant to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 and International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination 1965.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The Universal Declaration of Human Rights proclaims that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights and that everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set out therein, without distinction of any kind, in particular as to race, colour or national origin. All human beings are equal before the law and are entitled to equal protection of the law against any discrimination and against any incitement to discrimination. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Any doctrine of superiority based on racial differentiation is scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust and dangerous, and that there is no justification for racial discrimination, in theory or in practice, anywhere; the discrimination between human beings on the grounds of race, colour or ethnic origin is an obstacle to friendly and peaceful relations among nations and is capable of disturbing peace and security among peoples and the harmony of persons living side by side even within one and the same State; the existence of racial barriers is repugnant to the ideals of any human society and civilization.</font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Any political parties or organizations which, through their aims or activities, campaign against the basic structure of the Constitution such as democracy, political pluralism, the principles of the rule of law, or the sovereignty, integrity or independence of the Republic of Seychelles, or attempt to disturb the multi-racial social harmony, unity and stability of Seychelles shall be unconstitutional. Besides, the means employed to achieve the aims of political parties shall be in accordance with Seychelles's Constitutional and legal order. Hence, in the instant case the registrar has rightly refused to register MSR as a political party on the ground that its object was unlawful. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.25in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">It is also pertinent to observe that a political party may campaign for a change in the law or in the Constitution or in the legal and Constitutional Structures of the State, <b>on three conditions: </b></font></font></p> <ol> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Firstly, the means used to that end must in every respect be legal, Constitutional and democratic; and end can never justify the means.</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in; margin-left: 0.25in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol start="2"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Secondly, the change proposed if any, must itself be compatible with fundamental democratic principles. It necessarily follows that a political party whose leaders incite or resort to violence or put forward a policy which does not comply with one or more of the rules of democracy or which is aimed at the destruction of democracy and the flouting of the rights and freedoms recognized in a democracy, cannot claim legitimacy to represent or stand or continue to stand as a political party that will truly preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of Seychelles. In any event, the Registrar in exercise of his power under Section 9(1) (c) of the Act, may even cancel the registration of such irresponsible political parties, at any time, on proof to his satisfaction that those political parties have a purpose or object, which is unlawful; and</font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in; margin-left: 0.5in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <ol start="3"> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">Thirdly, although there is no Constitutional or implied limitation on the amending-power of the Legislature to amend any part of the Constitution, that power to amend does not include the “<b>P</b>ower” to disfigure or abrogate the Constitution itself. The word “amendment” used in the Constitution postulates that the old Constitution must survive without loss of identity and it must be retained though in the amended form. The Constitution is a living institution. It has a soul that represents the heirs of the past as well as the testators of the future. Obviously, it shall not opt to commit suicide simply by providing an inbuilt mechanism for amendments. Therefore, the power to amend does not include the “<b>P</b>ower” to destroy the soul of the Constitution or abrogate the <b>basic structure</b> or <b>features of the Constitution</b>. The Basic Structure of the Constitution of Seychelles includes <b>(i)</b> <i>Supremacy of the Constitution, </i><i><b>(ii)</b></i> <i>Republican and Democratic form of Government, </i><i><b>(iii)</b></i> <i>Secular Character of the Constitution, </i><i><b>(iv)</b></i> <i>Separation of Powers between the legislature, the executive and the judiciary, (v) Rule of Law, </i><i><b>(vi)</b></i> <i>Equality before law, and </i><i><b>(vii)</b></i> <i>Free and Fair Election,</i> which is a basic postulate of Democracy. <b>See, Kesavanand Vs. State of Kerala, A.I.R 1973 Supreme Court of India p1461 (Decided by a Special Bench of 13 Judges) and Indira Nehru Gandhi Vs. Raj Narayan, A.I.R 1975 Supreme Court of India p2299. </b></font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.25in; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">However, eschewing the said three conditions, MSR intend to cause or campaign for drastic Structural changes in the Supreme Law of the land as well as in the legal and Constitutional Structures of the State disregarding the “Due Process of Law” and defeating the “General Will” and the “Sovereignty” of the People of Seychelles. Undoubtedly, it is an unlawful attempt by MSR to shatter “The Seychellois Dream” enshrined in the Preamble of the Constitution of Seychelles. </font></font></p> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-top: 0.07in; margin-bottom: 0.07in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">In the light of all the above, this Court in its judgment, holds that: </font></font></p> <ol> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>The reasons given by the Registrar of Political Parties for refusing to register the “Moument Seselwa Rasin” (MSR) as a political party are legally and constitutionally valid. His decision in this respect cannot be faulted for any reason whatsoever. </i></font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">The Registrar has exercised his discretion, lawfully, reasonably, carefully and in good faith and in accordance with <i>section 7 of the Political Party (Registration and Regulation) Act and his decision is therefore, proper and legal; and</i></font></font></p> </li> <li> <p align="JUSTIFY" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3"><i>By refusing to register MSR as a political party, the Registrar has not violated any of the Appellant’s fundamental human rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution of Seychelles nor has the Registrar infringed any international human rights norms secured by International Human Rights Instruments.</i></font></font></p> </li> </ol> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">In the final analysis, I conclude that this appeal is devoid of merits and liable to be dismissed in its entirety. Hence, I decline to allow the appeal. I make no order as to costs. </font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">.........................</font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">D. Karunakaran</font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">Judge</font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">Dated this 30<sup>th</sup> Day of March 2011 </font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><u>Further Order</u></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif"><font size="3">I direct the Registrar of the Supreme Court to transmit the Judgment delivered herein, to the Registrar of Political Parties by serving on him a certified copy of this Judgment in conformity with Rule 18 of the Political Parties (Registration and Regulations) (Appeal) Rules Cap 173.</font></font></p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="line-height: 150%; text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p class="western" lang="en-GB" style="text-indent: 0.5in; margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">.........................</font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">D. Karunakaran</font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">Judge</font></p> <p align="CENTER" class="western" lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><font face="Bookman Old Style, serif">Dated this 30<sup>th</sup> Day of March 2011 </font></p> <div type="FOOTER"> <p align="RIGHT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-top: 0.46in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB"><sdfield format="ARABIC" subtype="RANDOM" type="PAGE">31</sdfield></p> <p align="LEFT" class="western" lang="en-GB" style="margin-bottom: 0.2in;" xml:lang="en-GB" xml:lang="en-GB">  </p> </div></span></div></div> </div> </div> Wed, 03 Mar 2021 19:43:30 +0000 Anonymous 2505 at http://old2.seylii.org Georges v Electoral Commission (CS 58 of 2012) [2012] SCSC 55 (30 July 2012); http://old2.seylii.org/sc/judgment/supreme-court/2012/55 <span class="field field--name-title field--type-string field--label-hidden">Georges v Electoral Commission (CS 58 of 2012) [2012] SCSC 55 (30 July 2012);</span> <div class="field field--name-field-flynote field--type-entity-reference field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Flynote</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/127" hreflang="x-default">HR</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/128" hreflang="x-default">Democracy</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/129" hreflang="x-default">Participate in government</a></div> </div> </div> <span class="field field--name-uid field--type-entity-reference field--label-hidden"><span>Anonymous (not verified)</span></span> <span class="field field--name-created field--type-created field--label-hidden">Wed, 03/03/2021 - 16:17</span> <div class="field field--name-field-files field--type-file field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Download</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-vnd-openxmlformats-officedocument-wordprocessingml-document file--x-office-document"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scsc/2012/55/2012-scsc-55.docx" type="application/vnd.openxmlformats-officedocument.wordprocessingml.document; length=27992">2012-scsc-55.docx</a></span> </div> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-pdf file--application-pdf"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scsc/2012/55/2012-scsc-55.pdf" type="application/pdf; length=235302">2012-scsc-55.pdf</a></span> </div> </div> </div> <div class="clearfix text-formatted field field--name-body field--type-text-with-summary field--label-hidden field__item"><p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtecenter"><strong>GEORGES v ELECTORAL COMMISSION</strong></p> <p class="rtecenter"> </p> <p class="rtecenter"><strong>(2012) SLR 199</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A G Derjacques for the petitioner</p> <p class="rtejustify">S Aglae for the respondent</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Judgment delivered on 30 July 2012 by</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>KARUNAKARAN J:</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The petitioner, Lucas Meinard Wallis Georges<em>, </em>aged 44 is a citizen of Seychelles. He is a resident of Anse Aux Pins District, Mahé. Needless to say, the petitioner has a constitutional right - like any other citizen of Seychelles who has attained the age of 18 years - to take part in the conduct of public affairs either directly or through freely chosen representatives. Obviously, the petitioner as a citizen has a right to be elected to public office and to participate, on general terms of equality, in Government or in public service as guaranteed by article 24(1)(c) and (d) of the Constitution of Seychelles. However, the exercise of these rights, though guaranteed by the Constitution, is not absolute by virtue of article 24(2) of the Constitution, which reads thus:  “the exercise of the rights under clause (1) may be regulated by a law necessary in a democratic society”.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Elections Act 1995 (hereinafter called the Act) as it exists today is a law contemplated under article 24(2) of the Constitution, which regulates the petitioner’s right to be elected to public office and to participate in Government. Be that as it may, a few weeks ago, a directly elected member of the current National Assembly, who had been nominated for election by a particular political party and had been elected from the Anse Aux Pins constituency, resigned from his office. He ceased to be a member of the National Assembly. Following his resignation, the seat he had been occupying became vacant. Consequently, a by-election for the electoral area of Anse Aux Pins was announced by the respondent. The Electoral Commission accordingly appointed and announced the dates of election; that is, 8 and 10 August 2012. The petitioner accordingly submitted his nomination to the Electoral Commission on 17July 2012 to stand for the said by-election. He registered himself as an independent candidate. Pursuant to the Elections Act, his nomination and candidature was accepted by the Electoral Commission on 20July 2012. Besides, two other candidates from two registered political parties had also submitted their nominations to stand for the said election on their respective party tickets. They too were accepted by the Electoral Commission.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In pursuance of the intended by-election and in terms of section 97(2) of the Act, the Electoral Commission after having meetings with all three candidates and in consultation with the Seychelles Broadcasting Corporation, decided upon the allocations of free broadcasting time to each political party and to each candidate as follows -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">a)    13 minutes of airtime to each political party taking part in the by-election to launch their campaign as opening political broadcast on 27 July 2012.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">b)    Each candidate contesting in the by-election 5 minutes of airtime on both radio and television as political broadcast on the 31 July 2012.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">c)    13 minutes of airtime to each political party taking part in the by-election to close their campaign as closing political broadcast on 4 August 2012.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">According to the petitioner, as an independent candidate, he has not been allocated airtime on the Seychelles Broadcasting Television either on 27 July 2012 or on 4 August 2012, the two slots which were allocated to the registered political parties. It is the contention of the petitioner that the Electoral Commission has misconstrued the law under section 97(2) of the Elections Act and has illegally allotted additional free broadcasting time on 27 July and 4 August 2012 for the political parties of the other two candidates namely: MeggySodie Marie of PartiLepep and Jane Georgette Carpin of the Popular Democratic Movement.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is the submission of Mr Derjacques, counsel for the petitioner that the political parties are not participating as political parties in the by-election in one district as it is not a national or general election. This election will, further, not include or involve the obtaining of a proportional seat in the National Assembly of Seychelles, which is allocated to participating political parties in proportion to their percentages in votes obtained. It is the contention of Mr Derjacques that the law under section 97(2) of the Act must be interpreted to mean that free broadcasting airtime shall be allocated solely and only to candidates, and not to political parties, in a by-election, in one district. The interpretation given to section 97 must be fair and generous to all the candidates and must not discriminate against the other candidate.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is therefore the case of the petitioner that the decision of the Electoral Commission contained in its letter dated 20 July 2012 addressed to the petitioner, maintaining the said allocation of free broadcasting time to the political parties, is illegal, ultra vires, harsh, irrational and unreasonable. The letter read –</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">We advise that the airtime, allocated to all three candidates, has been done in accordance with section 97(2) of the Act. We take note of your concerns and advise that these issues will be taken up in the electoral reform. </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Being aggrieved by the said decision of the respondent, the petitioner has now come before this Court for a judicial review of the said decision, invoking the supervisory jurisdiction of this Court over adjudicating authorities, conferred by article 125(1)(c) of the Constitution. The petitioner in essence seeks herein a declaration from the Court that the decision of the respondent allocating free broadcasting time to political parties is unlawful, illegal, irrational, unreasonable, and so presumably, null and void; and consequently, the petitioner prays this Court for a writ of certioraritoquash the said decision and a writ of mandamus ordering the respondent to allocate more free broadcasting time on SBC Television to the petitioner, as has been allocated to the political parties of the other two candidates.</p> <p class="rtejustify">           </p> <p class="rtejustify">On the other hand, the respondent denied all the allegations made by the petitioner in this matter. Mrs Aglae, counsel for the respondent, contended in essence that the respondent did not misconstrue or misinterpret the law under section 97(2) of the Act. It is lawful or legal for the respondent to allocate additional free broadcasting time on 27 July and 4 August 2012 for the political parties of the other two candidates namely: MeggySodie Marie of PartiLepep and Jane Georgette Carpin of the Popular Democratic Movement.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">According to Mrs S Aglae, the decision of the Electoral Commission is neither illegal nor unreasonable. The respondent is under a statutory obligation to allocate free broadcasting time to the registered political parties in terms of section 97(1) as it reads “the Electoral Commission shall ..... allocate to each political parties”, which according to her is “mandatory”. Also it is her contention that any political party contesting in the election has a statutory right in terms of section 95 of the Elections Act to campaign in the election in favour of its candidate. This statutory right conferred on the registered political parties ought to be respected by the Electoral Commission. In the circumstances, Mrs Aglae submitted that the Electoral Commission has reached a reasonable decision within its powers and in accordance with law, which any other reasonable tribunal could have reached in the given matrix of facts and circumstances surrounding the case on hand. Hence, the respondent seeks dismissal of the instant petition.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I meticulously perused the records received from the Electoral Commission in this matter. I gave careful thought to the arguments advanced by both counsel touching on points of law as well as on facts including the authorities cited by Mr Derjacques. Although both counsel argued at length on a number of peripheral issues, it all boils down to three fundamental questions that arise for determination in this case. They are:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(i)            Did the Electoral Commission misconstrue or misinterpret or misapply the law under section 97(2) of the Elections Act in arriving at its decision dated 20July 2012?</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(ii)          Is the decision of the Electoral Commission in allocating free broadcasting time on SBC Television to the registered political parties of the other two candidates in this matter unlawful or illegal or ultra vires? and</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(iii)         Did the Electoral Commission act unreasonably or irrationally in its decision in allocating free broadcasting time on SBC Television to the political parties of the other two candidates, while it refused similar allocation of airtime to the petitioner, having regard to all the circumstances of the case?</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.25in;">Obviously, the crux of the issue in this matter relates to the interpretation of section 97(2) of the Elections Act. Before interpreting a sub-section in a statute, it is important that one should peruse the entire section of law and other provisions found in the same statute as far as they are relevant to the subject under interpretation. The entire provision reads –</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.25in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">(1)  For the exercise of the right to broadcast under section 96(ii), the      Electoral Commission shall, in consultation with the Seychelles         Broadcasting Corporation established by the Seychelles Broadcasting Corporation Act (hereafter referred to as the “Corporation”), allocate free broadcasting time <em>to each registered  political party and each candidate.</em>[emphasis mine]</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">(2)  In allocating free broadcasting time under subsection (1), the Electoral Commission shall allocate –</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.5in;">(i)         to each registered political party equal broadcasting time; <em>and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.5in;">(ii)        to each candidate equal broadcasting time.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">(3)  The Electoral Commission shall decide by draw of lots the order in which</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:106.35pt;">(i)         each registered political party shall utilize the broadcasting time; and</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:106.35pt;">(ii)        each candidate shall utilize the broadcasting time.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">(4)  The Electoral Commission shall inform each registered political party   and each candidate the broadcasting time allocated to each such political party and candidate and the order in which such time is to be utilized.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">(5)  Any registered political party or candidate which or who fails to utilize the broadcasting time allocated under subsection (1) shall forfeit the right to broadcast.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.25in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Literal Rule</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is a fundamental principle of interpretation of statutes that while interpreting any provision of law in a statute the court ought to apply the “literal rule” as the first rule; the “golden rule” is to give effect to the meaning the legislature intended to convey, unless such meaning leads to utter absurdity. Under the literal rule, the words of the statute are given their natural or ordinary meaning and applied without the court seeking to put a twist or gloss on the words or seek to make sense of the statute.In other words, the words of a statute must prima facie be given their ordinary meaning. When the words of the statute are clear, plain and unambiguous, then the courts are bound to give effect to that meaning, irrespective of the consequences. Even if such consequences appear to be unfair and ungenerous as Mr Derjaques attempts to portray in the instant case. It is said that the words themselves best declare the intention of the law-giver.</p> <p class="rtejustify">           </p> <p class="rtejustify">Applying this rule in the present case, it is evident on a plain reading of section 97(2) of the Act that:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(1)  The two paragraphs 97(2)(i) and 97(2)(ii) undoubtedly refer to two distinct and separate categories of entities: (a) the registered political parties and (b) the candidates themselves who are contesting in the election. There is no ambiguity in law in this respect. A registered political party is a separate legal persona, a legal entity which is distinct and different from a natural person, the candidate, namely the individuals.  The meaning is plain, simple, clear and unequivocal under paragraphs 97(2)(i) and 97(2)(ii). The Electoral Commission should therefore, allocate each entity free broadcasting time as it clearly reads thus:<em>“</em>shall … allocate free broadcasting time <em>to each registered  political party and each candidate</em>”. This the Election Commission has done in accordance with law in this matter and so the Court finds.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(2)  The word “shall” used in the section, unequivocally implies that the Electoral Commission is under a statutory duty to allocate free broadcasting time separately to each of both categories of entities: (i) the legal entity namely, the registered political parties which have fielded their candidates in the by-election and (ii) the natural persons, the candidates, who are contesting in the by-election. Indeed,‘shall’ in the normal sense imports command. However, it is well settled that the use of the word ‘shall’ does not always mean that the enactment is obligatory or mandatory. It depends upon the context in which the word ‘shall’ appears and the other circumstances. Unless an interpretation leads to some absurd or inconvenient consequences or contradicts with the intent of the legislature the court shall interpret the word ‘shall’ in the mandatory sense and so I do herein, upholding the submission of Mrs Aglae that the Election Commission is under a legal duty to allocate free airtime separately to the registered political parties in this respect.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(3)  Moreover, it is to be gathered the usage of word “and”, which appears between the two sub-sections 97(2)(i) and 97(2)(ii), clearly differentiate to indicate the separate existence and identity of each category enumerated under sub-section 97(2). Each category on its own is statutorily entitled to free broadcasting time, in any election whether general or by-election for that matter.  </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(4)  The attempt by Mr Derjaques to distinguish a by-election from a general or national election does not appeal to me in the least as law does not make such distinction under section 95, 96 or 97 of the Act. The same rules apply as far as the conduct of the elections, and in respect of the privileges, right and liabilities of the political parties and the candidates, who contest in the elections for the National assembly.  </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In view of all the above, it is evident that theElectoral Commission has correctly interpreted the law. TheCommission did not misconstrue or misinterpret or misapply the law under section 97(2) of the Elections Act in arriving at its decision dated 20July 2012 and so the Court finds. This answers question no 1 formulated hereinbefore.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Having said that, I note Mr Derjacques also submitted that since the literal interpretation does not accord with fairness and justice to the petitioner, he invited the Court to consider a farfetched interpretation of section 97(2) in order to meet fairness and justice in this matter. With due respect, were I to accept Mr Derjacques’ submission in this respect, I would have to import additional words into section 97(2) of the Elections Act. This I am not empowered to do as this Court thereby would legislate rather than interpret the law.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">On the issue of consequences, I too, as a man of the world share the concern of Mr Derjacques. However, as a judge I have no doubt that this Court should apply the law as it stands today in the Elections Act until such time the Act is repealed or amended accordingly to meet the changing needs of time and the socio-political dynamics.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In the case of <em>Whitely v Chappel</em> (1868) LR 4 QB 147,the defendant was prosecuted for the offence of “impersonation” involved in an election. The statute made it an offence 'to impersonate any person entitled to vote’. The defendant, in fact, used the vote of a dead man. The statute relating to voting rights required a person to be living in order to be entitled to vote. The Court had to apply the literal rule to interpret the plain and ordinary words used in the statute. There was no other possible interpretation as has happened in the present case. The defendant impersonated a person not entitled to vote. The Court therefore acquitted the defendant. As I observed supra, when the words of the statute are clear, plain and unambiguous, then the courts are bound to give effect to that meaning, irrespective of the consequences. </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In view of all the reasons stated above, the Court finds that the decision of the Electoral Commission in allocating free broadcasting time on SBC Television to the registered political parties of the other two candidates in this matter is lawful, legal and valid in the eye of law. This answers question no 2 above.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I shall now proceed to examine question no 3 supra, which touches the fundamental principles governing the matters of judicial review. At the outset, I would like to restate herein what I have stated in <em>Cousine Island Company Ltd v Mr William Herminie, Minister for Employment and Social Affairs and Others </em>Civil Side No 248 of 2000<em>.</em> Whatever the issue, factual or legal, that may arise for determination following the arguments advanced by counsel, the fact remains that in matters of judicial review, the court is not sitting on appeal to examine the facts and the merits of the case heard by the administrative or adjudicating authority. Indeed, the system of judicial review is radically different from the system of appeals. When hearing an appeal the court is concerned with the merits of the case under appeal. However, when subjecting some administrative decision or act or order to judicial review, the court is concerned only with the “legality”, “rationality” (reasonableness) and “propriety” of the decision in question vide the landmark dictum of Lord Diplock in <em>Council of Civil Service Union v Minister for the Civil Service</em> [1985] AC 374.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">On an appeal the question is “right or wrong?” Whereas on a judicial review the question is “lawful or unlawful?” – Legal or illegal?“Reasonable or unreasonable?” - Rational or irrational?</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">On the issue of legality, I note, the entity of law is always defined, certain, identifiable and directly applicable to the facts of the case under adjudication. Therefore, the court may without much ado determine the issue of “legality” of any administrative decision, which indeed, includes the issue whether the decision-maker had correctly construed the law, applied and acted in accordance with law. This may be determined by using the litmus test, based on an objective assessment of the facts involved in the case. On the contrary, the entity of “reasonableness” cannot be defined, ascertained and brought within the parameters of law; there is no litmus test to be applied, for it requires a subjective assessment of the entire facts and circumstances of the case under consideration. Such assessment ought to be made applying the yardstick of human reasoning and rationale. </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I will now turn to the issue as to “reasonableness” of the decision in question. What is the test the court should apply to determine the reasonableness of the impugned decision in matters of judicial review?</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">First of all, it is pertinent to note that in determining the reasonableness of a decision one has to invariably go into its merits, as formulated in <em>Associated Provincial Picture Houses v Wednesbury Corporation </em>[1948] 1 KB 223<em>.</em>Where judicial review is sought on the ground of unreasonableness, the court is required to make value judgments about the quality of the decision under review. The merits and legality of the decision in such cases are intertwined. Unreasonableness is a stringent test, which leaves the ultimate discretion with the judge hearing the review application. To be unreasonable, an act must be of such a nature that no reasonable person would entertain such a thing; it is one outside the limit of reason (Michael Molan<em>Administrative Law</em> (3rd ed, 2001)). Applying this test, as I see it, the court has to examine whether the decision of the Election Commission in allocating free broadcasting time on SBC Television to the political parties of the other two candidates, while it refused similar allocation of airtime to the petitioner, is unreasonable having regard to all the circumstances of the case.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">At the same time, one should be cautious in that –</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">judicial review is concerned not with the merits of a decision but with the manner in which the decision was made. Thus, the judicial review is made effective by the court quashing an administrative decision without substituting its own decision and is to be contrasted with an appeal where the appellate tribunal substitutes its own decision on the merits for that of the administrative officer.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">[Per Lord Fraser <em>Re Amin </em>[1983] AC 818 at 829, [1983] 2 All ER 864 at 868]</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In determining the issue of reasonableness of the decision in the present case, the court has to make a subjective assessment of the entire facts and circumstances of the case and consider whether the impugned decision of the Election Commission is reasonable or not. In considering reasonableness, the duty of the decision-maker is to take into account all relevant circumstances as they exist at the date of the hearing that he must do, in what I venture to call, a broad common sense way as a person of the world, and come to his or her conclusion giving such weight, as he or she thinks right to the various factors in the situation. Some factors may have little or no weight, others may be decisive, but it is quite wrong for him to exclude from his consideration matter, which he ought to take into account per Lord Green in <em>Cumming v Danson</em> [1942] 2 All ER 653 at 656.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In my considered view, the Electoral Commission has taken into consideration all relevant factors including the intended electoral reform and had taken its decision only after having given opportunity to the petitioner to present his case or grievance to the Commission. Undoubtedly, the Electoral Commission had to apply the law as it is and has decided in accordance with section 97(2) of the Act. It has rightly refused the petitioner’s request not to allocate free broadcasting time to the registered political parties over and above the time allocated to the respective candidates. Hence, I conclude that the Electoral Commission did decide so, for lawful and valid reasons as any other reasonable tribunal would and should do in identical circumstances. </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In view of all the above, the Court concludes that the decision of the Electoral Commission in this matter is neither illegal norunreasonable nor irrational. Therefore, I decline to grant the writ of certiorari or mandamus as sought by the petitioner in this regard.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In the final analysis, the Court finds that the instant petition for judicial review is devoid of merit. The petition is therefore dismissed. I make no order as to costs.</p> </div> <div class="views-element-container"><div class="view view-eva view-download-conditional view-id-download_conditional view-display-id-entity_view_1 js-view-dom-id-0edcf435654867d3ed192abbf21aed0d417b0a343cbfd1ce6e2956e13cc60725"> <div><div class="views-field views-field-views-conditional-field"><span class="field-content"><p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtecenter"><strong>GEORGES v ELECTORAL COMMISSION</strong></p> <p class="rtecenter"> </p> <p class="rtecenter"><strong>(2012) SLR 199</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">A G Derjacques for the petitioner</p> <p class="rtejustify">S Aglae for the respondent</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Judgment delivered on 30 July 2012 by</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>KARUNAKARAN J:</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The petitioner, Lucas Meinard Wallis Georges<em>, </em>aged 44 is a citizen of Seychelles. He is a resident of Anse Aux Pins District, Mahé. Needless to say, the petitioner has a constitutional right - like any other citizen of Seychelles who has attained the age of 18 years - to take part in the conduct of public affairs either directly or through freely chosen representatives. Obviously, the petitioner as a citizen has a right to be elected to public office and to participate, on general terms of equality, in Government or in public service as guaranteed by article 24(1)(c) and (d) of the Constitution of Seychelles. However, the exercise of these rights, though guaranteed by the Constitution, is not absolute by virtue of article 24(2) of the Constitution, which reads thus:  “the exercise of the rights under clause (1) may be regulated by a law necessary in a democratic society”.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">The Elections Act 1995 (hereinafter called the Act) as it exists today is a law contemplated under article 24(2) of the Constitution, which regulates the petitioner’s right to be elected to public office and to participate in Government. Be that as it may, a few weeks ago, a directly elected member of the current National Assembly, who had been nominated for election by a particular political party and had been elected from the Anse Aux Pins constituency, resigned from his office. He ceased to be a member of the National Assembly. Following his resignation, the seat he had been occupying became vacant. Consequently, a by-election for the electoral area of Anse Aux Pins was announced by the respondent. The Electoral Commission accordingly appointed and announced the dates of election; that is, 8 and 10 August 2012. The petitioner accordingly submitted his nomination to the Electoral Commission on 17July 2012 to stand for the said by-election. He registered himself as an independent candidate. Pursuant to the Elections Act, his nomination and candidature was accepted by the Electoral Commission on 20July 2012. Besides, two other candidates from two registered political parties had also submitted their nominations to stand for the said election on their respective party tickets. They too were accepted by the Electoral Commission.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In pursuance of the intended by-election and in terms of section 97(2) of the Act, the Electoral Commission after having meetings with all three candidates and in consultation with the Seychelles Broadcasting Corporation, decided upon the allocations of free broadcasting time to each political party and to each candidate as follows -</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">a)    13 minutes of airtime to each political party taking part in the by-election to launch their campaign as opening political broadcast on 27 July 2012.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">b)    Each candidate contesting in the by-election 5 minutes of airtime on both radio and television as political broadcast on the 31 July 2012.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">c)    13 minutes of airtime to each political party taking part in the by-election to close their campaign as closing political broadcast on 4 August 2012.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">According to the petitioner, as an independent candidate, he has not been allocated airtime on the Seychelles Broadcasting Television either on 27 July 2012 or on 4 August 2012, the two slots which were allocated to the registered political parties. It is the contention of the petitioner that the Electoral Commission has misconstrued the law under section 97(2) of the Elections Act and has illegally allotted additional free broadcasting time on 27 July and 4 August 2012 for the political parties of the other two candidates namely: MeggySodie Marie of PartiLepep and Jane Georgette Carpin of the Popular Democratic Movement.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is the submission of Mr Derjacques, counsel for the petitioner that the political parties are not participating as political parties in the by-election in one district as it is not a national or general election. This election will, further, not include or involve the obtaining of a proportional seat in the National Assembly of Seychelles, which is allocated to participating political parties in proportion to their percentages in votes obtained. It is the contention of Mr Derjacques that the law under section 97(2) of the Act must be interpreted to mean that free broadcasting airtime shall be allocated solely and only to candidates, and not to political parties, in a by-election, in one district. The interpretation given to section 97 must be fair and generous to all the candidates and must not discriminate against the other candidate.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is therefore the case of the petitioner that the decision of the Electoral Commission contained in its letter dated 20 July 2012 addressed to the petitioner, maintaining the said allocation of free broadcasting time to the political parties, is illegal, ultra vires, harsh, irrational and unreasonable. The letter read –</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">We advise that the airtime, allocated to all three candidates, has been done in accordance with section 97(2) of the Act. We take note of your concerns and advise that these issues will be taken up in the electoral reform. </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Being aggrieved by the said decision of the respondent, the petitioner has now come before this Court for a judicial review of the said decision, invoking the supervisory jurisdiction of this Court over adjudicating authorities, conferred by article 125(1)(c) of the Constitution. The petitioner in essence seeks herein a declaration from the Court that the decision of the respondent allocating free broadcasting time to political parties is unlawful, illegal, irrational, unreasonable, and so presumably, null and void; and consequently, the petitioner prays this Court for a writ of certioraritoquash the said decision and a writ of mandamus ordering the respondent to allocate more free broadcasting time on SBC Television to the petitioner, as has been allocated to the political parties of the other two candidates.</p> <p class="rtejustify">           </p> <p class="rtejustify">On the other hand, the respondent denied all the allegations made by the petitioner in this matter. Mrs Aglae, counsel for the respondent, contended in essence that the respondent did not misconstrue or misinterpret the law under section 97(2) of the Act. It is lawful or legal for the respondent to allocate additional free broadcasting time on 27 July and 4 August 2012 for the political parties of the other two candidates namely: MeggySodie Marie of PartiLepep and Jane Georgette Carpin of the Popular Democratic Movement.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">According to Mrs S Aglae, the decision of the Electoral Commission is neither illegal nor unreasonable. The respondent is under a statutory obligation to allocate free broadcasting time to the registered political parties in terms of section 97(1) as it reads “the Electoral Commission shall ..... allocate to each political parties”, which according to her is “mandatory”. Also it is her contention that any political party contesting in the election has a statutory right in terms of section 95 of the Elections Act to campaign in the election in favour of its candidate. This statutory right conferred on the registered political parties ought to be respected by the Electoral Commission. In the circumstances, Mrs Aglae submitted that the Electoral Commission has reached a reasonable decision within its powers and in accordance with law, which any other reasonable tribunal could have reached in the given matrix of facts and circumstances surrounding the case on hand. Hence, the respondent seeks dismissal of the instant petition.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I meticulously perused the records received from the Electoral Commission in this matter. I gave careful thought to the arguments advanced by both counsel touching on points of law as well as on facts including the authorities cited by Mr Derjacques. Although both counsel argued at length on a number of peripheral issues, it all boils down to three fundamental questions that arise for determination in this case. They are:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(i)            Did the Electoral Commission misconstrue or misinterpret or misapply the law under section 97(2) of the Elections Act in arriving at its decision dated 20July 2012?</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(ii)          Is the decision of the Electoral Commission in allocating free broadcasting time on SBC Television to the registered political parties of the other two candidates in this matter unlawful or illegal or ultra vires? and</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.0in;">(iii)         Did the Electoral Commission act unreasonably or irrationally in its decision in allocating free broadcasting time on SBC Television to the political parties of the other two candidates, while it refused similar allocation of airtime to the petitioner, having regard to all the circumstances of the case?</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.25in;">Obviously, the crux of the issue in this matter relates to the interpretation of section 97(2) of the Elections Act. Before interpreting a sub-section in a statute, it is important that one should peruse the entire section of law and other provisions found in the same statute as far as they are relevant to the subject under interpretation. The entire provision reads –</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.25in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">(1)  For the exercise of the right to broadcast under section 96(ii), the      Electoral Commission shall, in consultation with the Seychelles         Broadcasting Corporation established by the Seychelles Broadcasting Corporation Act (hereafter referred to as the “Corporation”), allocate free broadcasting time <em>to each registered  political party and each candidate.</em>[emphasis mine]</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">(2)  In allocating free broadcasting time under subsection (1), the Electoral Commission shall allocate –</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.5in;">(i)         to each registered political party equal broadcasting time; <em>and</em></p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:1.5in;">(ii)        to each candidate equal broadcasting time.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">(3)  The Electoral Commission shall decide by draw of lots the order in which</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:106.35pt;">(i)         each registered political party shall utilize the broadcasting time; and</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:106.35pt;">(ii)        each candidate shall utilize the broadcasting time.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">(4)  The Electoral Commission shall inform each registered political party   and each candidate the broadcasting time allocated to each such political party and candidate and the order in which such time is to be utilized.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.75in;">(5)  Any registered political party or candidate which or who fails to utilize the broadcasting time allocated under subsection (1) shall forfeit the right to broadcast.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.25in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"><strong>Literal Rule</strong></p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">It is a fundamental principle of interpretation of statutes that while interpreting any provision of law in a statute the court ought to apply the “literal rule” as the first rule; the “golden rule” is to give effect to the meaning the legislature intended to convey, unless such meaning leads to utter absurdity. Under the literal rule, the words of the statute are given their natural or ordinary meaning and applied without the court seeking to put a twist or gloss on the words or seek to make sense of the statute.In other words, the words of a statute must prima facie be given their ordinary meaning. When the words of the statute are clear, plain and unambiguous, then the courts are bound to give effect to that meaning, irrespective of the consequences. Even if such consequences appear to be unfair and ungenerous as Mr Derjaques attempts to portray in the instant case. It is said that the words themselves best declare the intention of the law-giver.</p> <p class="rtejustify">           </p> <p class="rtejustify">Applying this rule in the present case, it is evident on a plain reading of section 97(2) of the Act that:</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(1)  The two paragraphs 97(2)(i) and 97(2)(ii) undoubtedly refer to two distinct and separate categories of entities: (a) the registered political parties and (b) the candidates themselves who are contesting in the election. There is no ambiguity in law in this respect. A registered political party is a separate legal persona, a legal entity which is distinct and different from a natural person, the candidate, namely the individuals.  The meaning is plain, simple, clear and unequivocal under paragraphs 97(2)(i) and 97(2)(ii). The Electoral Commission should therefore, allocate each entity free broadcasting time as it clearly reads thus:<em>“</em>shall … allocate free broadcasting time <em>to each registered  political party and each candidate</em>”. This the Election Commission has done in accordance with law in this matter and so the Court finds.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(2)  The word “shall” used in the section, unequivocally implies that the Electoral Commission is under a statutory duty to allocate free broadcasting time separately to each of both categories of entities: (i) the legal entity namely, the registered political parties which have fielded their candidates in the by-election and (ii) the natural persons, the candidates, who are contesting in the by-election. Indeed,‘shall’ in the normal sense imports command. However, it is well settled that the use of the word ‘shall’ does not always mean that the enactment is obligatory or mandatory. It depends upon the context in which the word ‘shall’ appears and the other circumstances. Unless an interpretation leads to some absurd or inconvenient consequences or contradicts with the intent of the legislature the court shall interpret the word ‘shall’ in the mandatory sense and so I do herein, upholding the submission of Mrs Aglae that the Election Commission is under a legal duty to allocate free airtime separately to the registered political parties in this respect.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(3)  Moreover, it is to be gathered the usage of word “and”, which appears between the two sub-sections 97(2)(i) and 97(2)(ii), clearly differentiate to indicate the separate existence and identity of each category enumerated under sub-section 97(2). Each category on its own is statutorily entitled to free broadcasting time, in any election whether general or by-election for that matter.  </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">(4)  The attempt by Mr Derjaques to distinguish a by-election from a general or national election does not appeal to me in the least as law does not make such distinction under section 95, 96 or 97 of the Act. The same rules apply as far as the conduct of the elections, and in respect of the privileges, right and liabilities of the political parties and the candidates, who contest in the elections for the National assembly.  </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In view of all the above, it is evident that theElectoral Commission has correctly interpreted the law. TheCommission did not misconstrue or misinterpret or misapply the law under section 97(2) of the Elections Act in arriving at its decision dated 20July 2012 and so the Court finds. This answers question no 1 formulated hereinbefore.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">Having said that, I note Mr Derjacques also submitted that since the literal interpretation does not accord with fairness and justice to the petitioner, he invited the Court to consider a farfetched interpretation of section 97(2) in order to meet fairness and justice in this matter. With due respect, were I to accept Mr Derjacques’ submission in this respect, I would have to import additional words into section 97(2) of the Elections Act. This I am not empowered to do as this Court thereby would legislate rather than interpret the law.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">On the issue of consequences, I too, as a man of the world share the concern of Mr Derjacques. However, as a judge I have no doubt that this Court should apply the law as it stands today in the Elections Act until such time the Act is repealed or amended accordingly to meet the changing needs of time and the socio-political dynamics.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In the case of <em>Whitely v Chappel</em> (1868) LR 4 QB 147,the defendant was prosecuted for the offence of “impersonation” involved in an election. The statute made it an offence 'to impersonate any person entitled to vote’. The defendant, in fact, used the vote of a dead man. The statute relating to voting rights required a person to be living in order to be entitled to vote. The Court had to apply the literal rule to interpret the plain and ordinary words used in the statute. There was no other possible interpretation as has happened in the present case. The defendant impersonated a person not entitled to vote. The Court therefore acquitted the defendant. As I observed supra, when the words of the statute are clear, plain and unambiguous, then the courts are bound to give effect to that meaning, irrespective of the consequences. </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In view of all the reasons stated above, the Court finds that the decision of the Electoral Commission in allocating free broadcasting time on SBC Television to the registered political parties of the other two candidates in this matter is lawful, legal and valid in the eye of law. This answers question no 2 above.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I shall now proceed to examine question no 3 supra, which touches the fundamental principles governing the matters of judicial review. At the outset, I would like to restate herein what I have stated in <em>Cousine Island Company Ltd v Mr William Herminie, Minister for Employment and Social Affairs and Others </em>Civil Side No 248 of 2000<em>.</em> Whatever the issue, factual or legal, that may arise for determination following the arguments advanced by counsel, the fact remains that in matters of judicial review, the court is not sitting on appeal to examine the facts and the merits of the case heard by the administrative or adjudicating authority. Indeed, the system of judicial review is radically different from the system of appeals. When hearing an appeal the court is concerned with the merits of the case under appeal. However, when subjecting some administrative decision or act or order to judicial review, the court is concerned only with the “legality”, “rationality” (reasonableness) and “propriety” of the decision in question vide the landmark dictum of Lord Diplock in <em>Council of Civil Service Union v Minister for the Civil Service</em> [1985] AC 374.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">On an appeal the question is “right or wrong?” Whereas on a judicial review the question is “lawful or unlawful?” – Legal or illegal?“Reasonable or unreasonable?” - Rational or irrational?</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">On the issue of legality, I note, the entity of law is always defined, certain, identifiable and directly applicable to the facts of the case under adjudication. Therefore, the court may without much ado determine the issue of “legality” of any administrative decision, which indeed, includes the issue whether the decision-maker had correctly construed the law, applied and acted in accordance with law. This may be determined by using the litmus test, based on an objective assessment of the facts involved in the case. On the contrary, the entity of “reasonableness” cannot be defined, ascertained and brought within the parameters of law; there is no litmus test to be applied, for it requires a subjective assessment of the entire facts and circumstances of the case under consideration. Such assessment ought to be made applying the yardstick of human reasoning and rationale. </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">I will now turn to the issue as to “reasonableness” of the decision in question. What is the test the court should apply to determine the reasonableness of the impugned decision in matters of judicial review?</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">First of all, it is pertinent to note that in determining the reasonableness of a decision one has to invariably go into its merits, as formulated in <em>Associated Provincial Picture Houses v Wednesbury Corporation </em>[1948] 1 KB 223<em>.</em>Where judicial review is sought on the ground of unreasonableness, the court is required to make value judgments about the quality of the decision under review. The merits and legality of the decision in such cases are intertwined. Unreasonableness is a stringent test, which leaves the ultimate discretion with the judge hearing the review application. To be unreasonable, an act must be of such a nature that no reasonable person would entertain such a thing; it is one outside the limit of reason (Michael Molan<em>Administrative Law</em> (3rd ed, 2001)). Applying this test, as I see it, the court has to examine whether the decision of the Election Commission in allocating free broadcasting time on SBC Television to the political parties of the other two candidates, while it refused similar allocation of airtime to the petitioner, is unreasonable having regard to all the circumstances of the case.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">At the same time, one should be cautious in that –</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">judicial review is concerned not with the merits of a decision but with the manner in which the decision was made. Thus, the judicial review is made effective by the court quashing an administrative decision without substituting its own decision and is to be contrasted with an appeal where the appellate tribunal substitutes its own decision on the merits for that of the administrative officer.</p> <p class="rtejustify" style="margin-left:.5in;">[Per Lord Fraser <em>Re Amin </em>[1983] AC 818 at 829, [1983] 2 All ER 864 at 868]</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In determining the issue of reasonableness of the decision in the present case, the court has to make a subjective assessment of the entire facts and circumstances of the case and consider whether the impugned decision of the Election Commission is reasonable or not. In considering reasonableness, the duty of the decision-maker is to take into account all relevant circumstances as they exist at the date of the hearing that he must do, in what I venture to call, a broad common sense way as a person of the world, and come to his or her conclusion giving such weight, as he or she thinks right to the various factors in the situation. Some factors may have little or no weight, others may be decisive, but it is quite wrong for him to exclude from his consideration matter, which he ought to take into account per Lord Green in <em>Cumming v Danson</em> [1942] 2 All ER 653 at 656.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In my considered view, the Electoral Commission has taken into consideration all relevant factors including the intended electoral reform and had taken its decision only after having given opportunity to the petitioner to present his case or grievance to the Commission. Undoubtedly, the Electoral Commission had to apply the law as it is and has decided in accordance with section 97(2) of the Act. It has rightly refused the petitioner’s request not to allocate free broadcasting time to the registered political parties over and above the time allocated to the respective candidates. Hence, I conclude that the Electoral Commission did decide so, for lawful and valid reasons as any other reasonable tribunal would and should do in identical circumstances. </p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In view of all the above, the Court concludes that the decision of the Electoral Commission in this matter is neither illegal norunreasonable nor irrational. Therefore, I decline to grant the writ of certiorari or mandamus as sought by the petitioner in this regard.</p> <p class="rtejustify"> </p> <p class="rtejustify">In the final analysis, the Court finds that the instant petition for judicial review is devoid of merit. The petition is therefore dismissed. I make no order as to costs.</p></span></div></div> </div> </div> Wed, 03 Mar 2021 16:17:28 +0000 Anonymous 1523 at http://old2.seylii.org Linyon Demokratik Seselwa v Electoral Commission (MC 59 of 2016) [2016] SCSC 579 (31 July 2016); http://old2.seylii.org/sc/judgment/supreme-court/2016/579 <span class="field field--name-title field--type-string field--label-hidden">Linyon Demokratik Seselwa v Electoral Commission (MC 59 of 2016) [2016] SCSC 579 (31 July 2016);</span> <div class="field field--name-field-flynote field--type-entity-reference field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Flynote</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/127" hreflang="x-default">HR</a></div> <div class="field__item"><a href="/taxonomy/term/128" hreflang="x-default">Democracy</a></div> </div> </div> <span class="field field--name-uid field--type-entity-reference field--label-hidden"><span>Anonymous (not verified)</span></span> <span class="field field--name-created field--type-created field--label-hidden">Wed, 03/03/2021 - 15:12</span> <div class="field field--name-field-files field--type-file field--label-above"> <div class="field__label">Download</div> <div class='field__items'> <div class="field__item"> <span class="file file--mime-application-pdf file--application-pdf"> <a href="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scsc/2016/579/2016-scsc-579.pdf" type="application/pdf; length=717042">2016-scsc-579.pdf</a></span> </div> </div> </div> <div class="views-element-container"><div class="view view-eva view-download-conditional view-id-download_conditional view-display-id-entity_view_1 js-view-dom-id-2a3959ac49ab4707f46e810ae038fc8e1648238f47525e3d75d920112efda040"> <div><div class="views-field views-field-views-conditional-field"><span class="field-content"><iframe class="pdf" webkitallowfullscreen="" mozallowfullscreen="" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="no" width="100%" height="800px" src="/libraries/pdf.js/web/viewer.html?file=https%3A%2F%2Fmedia.seylii.org%2Ffiles%2Fjudgments%2Fscsc%2F2016%2F579%2F2016-scsc-579.pdf" data-src="https://media.seylii.org/files/judgments/scsc/2016/579/2016-scsc-579.pdf" title="2016-scsc-579.pdf"></iframe></span></div></div> </div> </div> Wed, 03 Mar 2021 15:12:09 +0000 Anonymous 1190 at http://old2.seylii.org